THE MORALITY OF SHAKESPEARE's DRAMA ILLUSTRATED.
By MRS. GRIFFITH.
LONDON: Printed for T. CADELL, in the Strand. MDCCLXXV.
TO DAVID GARRICK, Eſq.
[]THERE is no perſon whoſe patron⯑age a Work of this kind may ſo properly claim, as Your's; Your pri⯑vate life having done ſo much honour to the moral part, and Your public one ſuch juſtice to the principal Characters, repreſented in our Author's writings.
Your action has been a better com⯑ment on his Text, than all his Editors have been able to ſupply. You mark his beauties; They but clear his blots. You impreſs us with the living ſpirit; They only preſent us the dead letter.
There is one ſtriking ſimilarity be⯑tween Shakeſpeare and You, in a very uncommon particular: He is the only Dramatic Writer, who ever alike ex⯑celled [iv] in Tragedy and Comedy; and we may without flattery venture to af⯑fim, That you are the only Performer who ever appeared with equal advan⯑tage, both in the Sock and Buſkin.
If I had an higher opinion of this Work than I have, I ſhould have ſtill but an higher inducement for addreſſing it to You. From this conſideration You are bound to receive it, with all its im⯑perfections on its head, being offered as a tribute of that friendſhip and eſteem with which I have the honour to be,
PREFACE.
[]AMONG the many writers of our nation, who have by their talents contributed to entertain, inform, or improve our minds, no one has ſo happily or univerſally ſucceeded, as he whom we may juſtly ſtile our firſt, our greateſt Poet, Shakeſpeare. For more than a century and a half, this Author has been the delight of the Ingenious, the text of the Mo⯑raliſt, and the ſtudy of the Philoſopher. Even his cotemporary writers have ingenuouſly yielded their plaudit to his fame, as not preſuming it could leſſen theirs, ſet at ſo great a diſtance. Such ſuperior excellence could never be brought into a comparative light; and jealouſy is dumb, when competition muſt be vain. For him, then, they chearfully twined the laurel-wreath, and unrepining placed it on his brow; where it will ever bloom, while ſenſe, taſte, and natural feelings of the heart, ſhall remain amongſt the characteriſtics of this, or any other nation, that can be able to conſtrue his language. He is a Claſſic, and cotemporary with all ages.
[vi]But amidſt all this burſt of applauſe, one ſingle diſcordant voice is faintly heard. Voltaire has ſtood forth his opponent. One might imagine ſuch a writer to have had taſte enough to reliſh his poetical beauties, at leaſt, tho' poſſibly ſome doubt might ariſe about his ſympathy with his moral ones. But he unfairly tries him by Pe⯑dant laws, which our Author either did not know, or regarded not. His compoſitions are a diſtinct ſpecies of the Drama; and not being an imitation of the Greek one, cannot be juſtly ſaid to have infringed its rules. Shakeſpeare is a model, not a copy; he looked into nature, not in⯑to books, both for men and works. 'Tis learned ignorance, therefore, to quote the antient ex⯑emplars againſt him. Is there no ſpring inſpired, but Aganippe's font? No raptured viſion, but on Parnaſſus' mount? The Grecian Bards them⯑ſelves had conceived a more liberal notion, in this particular, who, by making Phoebus the God of Poetry, ſeem to have acknowledged in⯑ſpiration to be univerſal.
But as it may ſhew more impartiality upon this ſubject, to oppoſe one French authority to another, I ſhall here quote againſt M. Voltaire, the Abbé Le Blanc's opinion of our Author, in his Letters on the Engliſh Nation, written to his Friend. ‘He is, ſays he, of all Writers, an⯑tient or modern, the moſt of an original. He is truly a great genius, and Nature has endowed him with powers to ſhew it. His imagination is rich and ſtrong: he paints whatever he ſees, and embelliſhes whatever he deſcribes. The Loves in the train of Ve⯑nus are not repreſented with more grace, in [vii] the Pictures of Albanus, than this Poet gives to thoſe that attend on Cleopatra, in his de⯑ſcription of the pomp with which that Queen preſents herſelf to Mark Antony, on the banks of the Cydnus.’
‘The reputation of this Author is ſo great, that I ſhall not be ſurprized if you ſuſpect me of exaggeration in this account of him. Thoſe of our nation who have ever men⯑tioned him, have been content to praiſe, with⯑out being capable of judging ſufficiently of his merits.’
To the further honour of our Author be it ſaid, that a Lady * of diſtinguiſhed merit has lately appeared a champion in his cauſe, againſt this minor critic, this minute philoſopher, this fly upon a pillar of St. Paul's. It was her example which has ſtirred up my emulation to this at⯑tempt; for I own that I am ambitious of the honour of appearing to think, at leaſt, though I deſpair of the ſucceſs of writing, like her.
Mr. Pope, in the Preface to his edition of this Author, ſays, ‘Of all the Engliſh Poets, Shakeſpeare muſt be confeſſed to be the faireſt and fulleſt ſubject for Criticiſm, and to afford the moſt numerous, as well as moſt conſpi⯑cuous, inſtances, both of beauties and blemiſhes, of all ſorts.’ And again: ‘I cannot, how⯑ever, but mention ſome of his principal and characteriſtic excellencies; for which, not⯑withſtanding his defects, he is juſtly and deſervedly elevated above all other Dra⯑matic Writers.’
[viii]He might have added the following obſer⯑vation, from Longinus, to his remarks, who ſays, that ‘In reading Homer, Plato, or any other of the great geniuſes of antiquity; whenever we happen to meet with paſſages which appear to be unintelligible or abſurd, we ought fairly to conclude, that were they alive to explain themſelves in thoſe places, we ſhould to our confuſion be convinced, that the ignorance or error lay in our own conceptions alone.’ Horace, too, may be re⯑ferred to upon this occaſion, who indulgently ſays, that The blaze of fine writing gilds o'er its blots. Such was the candor, ſuch the modeſty, and ſuch the deference, ſhewn by Antient Com⯑mentators to the works of literature or genius. The brightneſs of the ſun concealed its ſpots from them; but ſecond-hand critics, to ſpeak in the words of a modern Author, peer through a ſmoked glaſs to obſerve them.
The learned and ingenious Doctor Johnſon has given us a juſt and beautiful ſimile, on this ſubject: ‘The works of a correct and re⯑gular writer, ſays he, is a garden accurately formed, and diligently planted; varied with ſhades, and ſcented by flowers. The com⯑poſition of Shakeſpeare is a foreſt, in which oaks extend their branches, and pines tower in the air, interſperſed ſometimes with weeds and brambles, and ſometimes affording ſhelter to myrtles and roſes; filling the eye with awful pomp, and gratifying the mind with endleſs diverſity.’
This laſt-mentioned Editor is the only one who has conſidered Shakeſpeare's writings in a [ix] moral light; and therefore I confeſs myſelf of opinion that he has beſt underſtood them, by thus pointing to their higheſt merit, and nobleſt excellence. And from ſeveral paſſages in the Doctor's Preface, particularly where he ſays, that ‘From his writings, indeed, a ſyſtem of ſocial duties may be ſelected; for he who thinks reaſonably, muſt think morally;’ as well as from frequent reflections of my own, reſpecting the oeconomical conduct of life and manners, which have always ariſen in my mind on the peruſal of Shakeſpeare's works, I have ventured to aſſume the taſk of placing his Ethic merits in a more conſpicuous point of view, than they have ever hitherto been pre⯑ſented in to the Public.
My difficulty will not be what to find, but what to chuſe, amidſt ſuch a profuſion of ſweets, and variety of colours; nay, ſometimes, how to ſeparate the moral from the matter, in this Author's writings; which are often ſo con⯑texted, that, to continue Doctor Johnſon's allegory above quoted, they may be compared to an intermixture of the phyſic with the kitchen garden, where both food and medi⯑cine may be culled from the ſame ſpot.
Shakeſpeare is not only my Poet, but my Philoſopher alſo. His anatomy of the human heart is delineated from nature, not from me⯑taphyſics; referring immediately to our intui⯑tive ſenſe, and not wandering with the ſchool⯑men, through the pathleſs wilds of theory. We not only ſee, but feel his diſſections juſt and ſcientific.—The late ingenious Lord Lyttelton, ſpeaking of Sakeſpeare, ſays, ‘No author had [x] ever ſo copious, ſo bold, ſo creative an ima⯑gination, with ſo perfect a knowledge of the paſſions, the humours, and ſentiments of man⯑kind. He painted all characters, from heroes and kings, down to inn-keepers and peaſants, with equal truth, and equal force. If human nature were quite deſtroyed, and no monu⯑ment left of it, except his Works, other Beings might learn what man was, from thoſe writings *.’ And Ben Johnſon had long before ſaid of him:
Shakeſpeare ſeems to poſſeſs that happy and peculiar kind of ſuperiority over all other Dramatic Authors, that the ancient poets and hiſtorians confeſſedly bear above the modern ones, with regard to the genuine characters, manners, and ſentiments, of the perſons exhibited in their reſpective writings. In the firſt, we ſee the men of Nature; in the latter, but the children of the Schools.
The world at preſent is held more in tram⯑mels, than it formerly was.—From our modes of education, policies, and breeding, our con⯑duct and demeanor are become more ſophiſti⯑cate, our minds leſs candid, and our actions more diſguiſed. Our modern literary painters repreſent us ſuch as we appear; but the genuine unadulterate heart can be moved by no affection, allied by no ſympathy, with ſuch factitious perſonages, ſuch puppets of polity, ſuch automata of modern refinement. Hence, love, friendſhip, patriotiſm, are long ſince be⯑come [xi] the obſolete ſentiments of chivalry and romance. But in all the repreſentations of Shakeſpeare, we are ſenſible of a connection; his whole Dramatis Perſonae ſeem to be our acquaintance and countrymen; while in moſt other exhibitions, they appear to be ſtrangers and foreigners. Doctor Johnſon, upon com⯑paring the Tragedy of Cato with one of our Author's plays, ſays juſtly, that ‘Addiſon ſpeaks the language of Poets, but Shake⯑ſpeare that of Men.’
Doctor Warburton ſays, ‘Of all the literary exercitations of ſpeculative men, whether deſigned for the uſe or entertainment of the world, there are none of ſo much impor⯑tance, or what are more of our immediate concern, than thoſe which let us into a knowledge of our nature. Others may exer⯑ciſe the reaſon, or amuſe the imagination; but theſe only can improve the heart, and form the mind to wiſdom. Now, in this ſcience our Shakeſpeare is confeſſed to oc⯑cupy the foremoſt place; whether we con⯑ſider the amazing ſagacity with which he inveſtigates every hidden ſpring and wheel of human action; or his happy manner of communicating this knowledge, in the juſt and lively paintings which he has given us of all our paſſions, appetites, and purſuits. Theſe afford a leſſon, which can never be too often repeated, or too ſtrongly incul⯑cated.’
Shaftſbury, though ſevere, I think rather too much ſo, againſt Shakeſpeare's faults, al⯑lows, that ‘By the juſtneſs of his moral, the [xii] aptneſs of his deſcriptions, and the plain and natural turn of ſeveral of his characters, he pleaſes his audience, and gains their ear, without a ſingle bribe from luxury or vice.’
Our Author's poetical beauties have been already ſelected, though they needed it not, as they are undoubtedly ſo ſtriking as ſcarcely to require the being particularly pointed out to any Reader capable of conceiving or reliſhing them; but a ſingle line, ſometimes a word, in many inſtances throughout his Works, may convey a hint, or impreſs a ſentiment upon the heart, if properly marked, which might poſ⯑ſibly be overlooked, while curioſity is attend⯑ing to the fable, or the imagination tranſported with the ſplendor of diction, or ſublimity of images.
There is a Moral ſometimes couched in his Fable, which whenever I have been able to diſcover, I have pointed out to the Reader; and from thoſe pieces where this excellence is deficient in the Argument, as particularly in his Hiſtorical Plays, where poetical juſtice cannot always obtain, human life not being the whole of our exiſtence, I have given his moral and inſtruction in detail, by quoting the paſſages as they happen to lie detached, or referring to the ſcope and tenor of the dialogue.
In theſe remarks and obſervations I have not reſtricted myſelf to morals purely ethic, but have extended my obſervations and reflections to whatever has reference to the general oeco⯑nomy of life and manners, reſpecting prudence, polity, decency, and decorum; or relative to the [xiii] tender affections and fond endearments of hu⯑man nature; more eſpecially regarding thoſe moral duties which are the trueſt ſource of mortal bliſs—domeſtic ties, offices, and obliga⯑tions.
This code of morality has an advantage over any other of the kind, on account of its not being conducted ſyſtematically. In all books that treat upon theſe ſubjects, the precepts are diſpoſed methodically, under ſeparate heads or chapters; as Ambition, Bravery, Conſtancy, De⯑votion, and ſo on to the end of the alphabet; which mode, though uſeful on account of re⯑ferences, or as a common-place book, cannot be near ſo entertaining, and conſequently ſo well able to anſwer the utile dulci, as a work of this ſort, where the documents riſe out of the action immediately before our eyes, and are conſtantly varying with the quick ſhifting of ſcenes, per⯑ſon, and ſubjects; where love ſometimes fol⯑lows war, jealouſy ſucceeds friendſhip, parſi⯑mony liberality; and ſo proceeding throughout the intire quicquid agunt homines of human life.
ERRATA.
[]- Page 2, line laſt but 4, read, referable, and next line, ſtrike out to the Reader.
- P. 95, l. 20, r. fire-new.
- P. 99, l. laſt of the text, r. groſs.
- P. 112, l. laſt but one, r. you're.
- P. 160, l. 11, of the ſpeech, firſt word, for And, r. As.
- P. 212, l. 24, r. proffer.
- P. 264, before Scene II. r. Act IV.
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THE TEMPEST.
Dramatis Perſonae.
[]- ALONZO, King of Naples.
- SEBASTIAN, his Brother.
- FERDINAND, Son to the King of Naples.
- PROSPERO, rightful Duke of Milan.
- GONZALO, an honeſt old Courtier of Naples.
- TRINCULO, a Jeſter.
- ARIEL, an airy Spirit.
- CALIBAN, a ſavage, and deformed Slave.
- MIRANDA, Daughter of Proſpero.
N. B. It is to be obſerved, that in this and all the other Dramatis Perſonae, I inſert the names of thoſe only whom I have brought upon the Scene, in the courſe of theſe remarks, either as ſpeaking themſelves, or being ſpoken to by others.
A MIDSUMMER NIGHT's DREAM.
[]Dramatis Perſonae.
[]- THESEUS, Duke of Athens.
- LYSANDER, in love with Hermia.
- DEMETRIUS, in love with Hermia.
- PHILOSTRATE, Maſter of the Sports to Theſeus.
- OBERON, King of the Fairies.
- PUCK, a Fairy.
- HIPPOLITA, Princeſs of the Amazons, betrothed to Theſeus.
- HERMIA, Daughter to Egeus, in love with Lyſander.
- HELENA, in love with Demetrius.
A Midſummer Night's Dream.
[15]I Shall not trouble my readers with the Fable of this piece, as I can ſee no general moral that can be deduced from the Argument; nor, as I hinted before *, is there much ſentiment to be collected even from the Dialogue. But whatever harveſt can be gleaned from this unfruitful field, I ſhall endea⯑vour to pick up, as becomes a faithful ſteward of the farm.
ACT I.
SCENE I.
In this ſpeech, the pious notion of the Antients, with regard to this relation, while genuine Nature was their ſole Preceptor, is fully expreſſed. Here the duty of children to their parents, is indeed car⯑ried to the height; and yet, methinks, not at all too far. They are the objects of our earlieſt affections, of our firſt deference, of our primary obligations. Even ſuperſtition, in this caſe, as far at leaſt as im⯑plicit obedience extends, exceeds not true devotion.
The Decalogue was originally written on two ta⯑bles; five in each. The firſt refers ſolely to Reli⯑gion; the ſecond, to Morality, only. To honour our parents, therefore, as falling within the former line of obligations, is, by this diſtinction, made one [16] of our pious duties; as through them we honour the Creator, who ordained this relation between us. This precept, then, ſhould ſeem to have a double tie upon us, as partaking both of piety and morals; and there⯑fore, however the latter bond may chance to be cancelled, the firſt ought never to be diſpenſed with.
In fine, there is ſomething ſo fond and endearing in the idea and exerciſe of a child's obedience and deference towards a parent, that how rotten muſt the root be, or how blighted the branches, if ſuch a tree ſhould fail of producing its natural fruit!
Thus far, by way of general reflection, only; for I muſt, notwithſtanding, admit, that the particular inſtance of the daughter's compliance, exacted by the father, in this piece, of reſigning an huſband of her own choice, upon equal terms, and accepting another, choſen arbitrarily for her, by caprice merely, was too ſevere a trial of obedience. Egeus here, like Abraham, would ſacrifice his child at the altar, not only without the command of God, but contrary to his expreſs purpoſe, proclaimed aloud by the voice of Nature, and further confirmed from the deduc⯑tions of virtuous affection, free will, and rational election.
When I ſaid that the duty of a child was natural, I did not mean to inveſt the parent with an authority which was not ſo; and I cannot blame Hermia, therefore, upon the ſevere laws of Athens being de⯑clared to her, for the chaſte and ſpirited reſolution ſhe frames to herſelf on that occaſion.
SCENE II.
Lyſander, the ſuitor elect of Hermia, here makes an obſervation upon the ſtate of love, which is too often verified in life: That a ſympathy of affections, [17] with other fitneſs of circumſtances, are ſeldom found to meet together, ſo as to compleat an happy union.
SCENE III.
In this ſcene we are charmed with that mildneſs, modeſty, and generous eulogium, with which the fond and unhappy Helena accoſts a rival beauty, and woo'd by the man ſhe loves.
[18]Hermia had uſed no arts, no coquetry, to allure her lover from her; for, as ſhe expreſſes it, juſt after, in the ſame dialogue, ‘His folly, Helena, is no fault of mine.’ She had, indeed, happened to have done her an injury, but no wrong; and therefore the forſaken maid ſhews her juſtice in plaining her own ill fortune, only, without expreſſing the leaſt manner of reſent⯑ment againſt her unoffending rival.
Hermia, in the ſame ſcene, alludes to the magic power of love, which concenters all our ideas in one, making us prefer a cottage to a palace, and a deſert to a grove, according to the ſituation or circum⯑ſtances of the object of our affections. After having declared the purpoſe of flying her country with her lover, ſhe adds,
And Helena, afterwards, carries on the ſame idea, in the following lines:
Theſeus too, in a paſſage of his ſpeech, in the firſt Scene of the Fifth Act of this Play, accords with the above ſentiment:
And Shakeſpeare has hinted a moral, on this latter ſubject, with regard to irregular or ill-placed affec⯑tion, as Dr. Warburton has juſtly obſerved, ‘by as fine a metamorphoſis as any in Ovid,’ in the laſt line of the following ſpeech, in the ſecond Scene [19] of Act the Second; the whole of which I ſhall tranſcribe here, in order to ſhew how juſtly and poetically he has pointed to the different effects of paſſion upon buſy and contemplative minds, as well as on idle and diſſipated ones.
ACT V. SCENE I.
The deceptions of an enthuſiaſtic or over-heated fancy, with the vain terrors of a dejected mind; are well deſcribed in part of the following ſpeech; in which our author claſſes the lunatic, the lover, and the poet, together; and might have taken in the fanatic too, along with them, under the deſcription of thoſe, who, as he ſays, in the firſt part of the ſame ſpeech,
Among the brief of ſports, as it is called, to be exhibited before Theſeus, on his wedding-day, this is the title of one:
Mr. Warton imagines this paſſage to have alluded to a poem of Spenſer's, ſtiled The Tears of the Muſes, on the Neglect and Contempt of Learning, in his time. Though this was not properly a complaint of that age, only; it has been ſo much the grievance of all times, that it has, long ſince, obtained into a proverb, As poor as a poet.
The caſe of ſuch unfortunate perſons,
is certainly very hard. Perſons who apply their minds to letters, muſt unavoidably neglect their temporal concerns; and thoſe who employ their time in the reformation or entertainment of the world, ſhould be ſupported by it—Not by merely accidental and precarious emoluments, but upon ſome more permanent foundation; like the Clergy, who have had a proviſion made for them, for the ſame reaſon as above; and the name of Clerk, tho' now appropriated to the latter, was formerly the common appellation of both. The honour of ſuch an eſtabliſhment would be conſiderable to a State, and the expence but ſmall—for the numbers are but few.
Theſeus expreſſes a juſt ſentiment in a prince, when Philoſtrate, the Maſter of his Revels, objects to his being preſent at a play, which the affections of the loweſt rank of the Athenian citizens had framed for the celebration of his nuptials.
Hippolita alſo makes the ſame objection, but from a motive of humanity, only.
I muſt here conclude my obſervations on this Play, with the above beautiful paſſage, as there does not appear to me to be any thing elſe, in the re⯑mainder of it, worthy to ſupply a reflection relative to the purpoſed ſcope or deſign of this Work.
POSTSCRIPT.
This Play is perfectly pictureſque, and reſembles ſome rich landſcape, where palaces and cottages, huntſmen and huſbandmen, princes and peaſants, appear in the ſame ſcene together.
THE TWO GENTLEMEN OF VERONA.
[]Dramatis Perſonae.
[]- DUKE of MILAN, Father to Silvia.
- VALENTINE, the two Gentlemen.
- PROTHEUS, the two Gentlemen.
- ANTHONIO, Father to Protheus.
- PANTHION, Servant to Anthonio.
- SILVIA, the Duke of Milan's Daughter, beloved of Valentine.
- JULIA, a Lady of Verona, beloved of Protheus.
THE Two Gentlemen of Verona.
[25]THE Fable of this Play has no more moral in it, than the former, nor does it make us much amends, either by the number, or variety of its documents. I would, therefore, have paſſed it by, as ſome of the editors have done, on the ſuppo⯑ſition of its not being one of Shakeſpeare's; but that I thought any thing which had ever been imputed to that author, had a right to claim a place in this Work; unleſs the rejection of it were eſtabliſhed upon better grounds, than the diverſity of opinions about its authenticity, among the Commentators.
And, indeed, were I to offer any doubt upon this point, myſelf, it ſhould not be ſo much from the objections adduced by the editors, as on account of the unnatural inconſiſtency of character, in the perſon of Protheus; who, in the firſt Act, and during above half the ſecond, appears to ſtand in the moſt amiable and virtuous lights, both of morals and manhood, as a fond lover, and a faithful friend; and yet ſuddenly belies his fair ſeemings, by an infidelity toward the firſt object, and a treachery with regard to the ſecond. 'Tis true, indeed, that in the latter end he expreſſes a ſort of contrition for his crimes; but yet this ſtill ſeems to remain equivocal; as it does not appear to have ariſen from any remorſe of conſcience, or abhorrence of his baſeneſs, but rather from a diſappointment in his purſuit, and an open detection of his villainy.
There are but few inſtances of this kind, that I remember to have met with, throughout the drama of Shakeſpeare; for however he may ſport, as he often does, with the three unities of Ariſtotle, time, [26] place, and action, he ſeldom ſins againſt a fourth, which I am ſurpriſed the Critics have not added, as being worth them all—namely, that of character; the tenor of which is generally preſerved, from firſt to laſt, in all his works. This conſiſtency is re⯑quired in the epic, and why not inſiſted on in the dramatic poem, I cannot conceive.
I am venturing, I own, beyond my purpoſe; but I am tempted here, upon mentioning his breach of the unities, to obſerve, that the Commentators do our author great injuſtice, to examine him by the cold rules of artful conſtruction. Shakeſpeare's writ⯑ings reſemble the antient muſic, which conſiſted in melody alone, without regard to harmony, which is a ſcience of much later invention; and it has been remarked, that the original airs of every country, which charm a natural ear moſt, have been thoſe that give offence to modern compoſers, by an utter neglect of the counter-point. The compoſitions of our Bard have the ſame beauty, with the ſame defect. He ought, therefore, never to be conſidered but under the deſcription which Milton has given of him;
Would they reſtrain him within the precincts of art, the height, the depth of whoſe imagination and creative genius found even the extent of Nature too ſtreightly bounded for it to move in?
Like an eaſtern monarch, his word was law, his will and pleaſure edicts and decrees. But there are certain mechaniſts in criticiſm, who have no other way of judging, but by applying the rule and compaſs; like antient gardeners, who trimmed their foreſt-trees into cones and cylinders, and reduced winding brooks to ſquare canals. A man muſt be born a critic, as well as a poet; but, at this rate, he may be bred both.
But to return from this digreſſion to the ſubject which lies more properly before us, at preſent.
ACT I. [27] SCENE I.
The great neceſſity and benefit of Travel are properly recommended, and marked by apt phraſe, in the firſt ſpeech here; which opening, with the addition of a few other paſſages, ſeems to promiſe more than, I am ſorry to ſay, the reſt of the piece is reſponſible for. And it is this circumſtance which has induced the critics to ſuſpect this Play not to have been originally one of Shakeſpeare's, but only re⯑viſed and enriched with fragments, by him; as it may be deemed to be not a jewel, but only a lump of paſte, ſet round with ſparks.
The tenderneſs and ſolicitudes of friendſhip are well and fondly expreſſed in the reply:
If ever danger do environ thee—This line ſtrikes me with a peculiar beauty. Protheus deſires to be con⯑ſidered as a ſharer in his friend's weal or woe, during abſence; the firſt he mentions without any reſerve,
But when he comes to ſpeak of the latter, he ap⯑pears to catch himſelf up, as if alarmed even at the idea of his danger, and ſeems to have begun his prayers for him, already.
[28]But not to quit the firſt ſubject hinted above, only to re-aſſume it again, I ſhall introduce a ſpeech from the fourth Scene following, though ſomewhat out of its place, here; where Panthion, ſpeaking to the father of Protheus, tells him the opinion of another perſon about him and his ſon.
But to return to the firſt Scene, again. In this and many of the ſubſequent ones, the ſeveral parts of which ſhall be quoted as they follow in order, to prevent the interruption of the ſubject, our Author has truly deſcribed the nature, the effects, the anxieties, the weakneſſes, the extravagancies, and the miſeries, of the paſſion of love, moſt philoſo⯑phically, poetically, and experimentally.
Valentine, perſuading Protheus to quit his miſ⯑treſs, and accompany him on his travels, ſays:
Valentine, after his falling in love, to Protheus:
There are two other paſſages in this Play, which I have not included among the above number of quo⯑tations; becauſe, though they relate to the ſame ſub⯑ject, yet not falling within the deſcription of the paſſion, but the artful or ſiniſter conduct of it, only, I have reſerved to a place by themſelves.
The firſt is, where Valentine replies to the Duke, who aſks his advice how to gain a coy miſtreſs.
The ſecond is in the fifth Scene following the above, where the moſt effectual, but baſeſt method for curing a woman's love, that can be deviſed, is there pointed out:
ACT V.
SCENE IV.
In the firſt ſpeech here, Valentine makes a reflec⯑tion, which cannot be too often marked to us, upon the powerful effect of uſe or habit over the mind [31] of man. Second nature is more than a match even for the firſt. In this philoſophy lie the manifeſt and manifold advantages of a good education, which alone forms the different manners allotted to the ſexes, rendering men brave, and preſerving women chaſte. Exchange but the point of honour between them, and you fill the world with amazons and daſtards.
In the ſame Scene he expreſſes himſelf moſt af⯑fectingly, upon diſcovering the faithleſsneſs of his friend, and diſplays a noble and a generous nature, in his ready forgiveneſs, on the other's as prompt penitence.
SCENE V. and loſt.
In this paſſage Valentine is juſtly commended f [...] his proper and becoming manhood, in vindicatin the right both of his love and honour, at the hazar [...] of his, comparatively, meaner life. He has, therefore a right to the appellation and character here given o him, in the following line: ‘Thou art a gentleman, and well derived.’
But what ſtrikes me more particularly in this ſpeech, is the gallant Duke's aſſeveration, in that truly noble expreſſion, ‘Now, by the honour of my anceſtry.’ It was this generous ſpirited idea that continued down the race of heroes, among us, while they did exiſt; and were the profeſſion of heraldry never to be conſidered in any other light, than as a record of men's worth, not titles, it would then become both a political and a liberal ſcience. Honours, as Selden ſays, ſhould be native only, and not dative derived from Merits, not from Gifts.
MEASURE FOR MEASURE.
[]Dramatis Perſonae.
[]- DUKE of Vienna.
- ANGELO, Lord Deputy in the Duke's abſence.
- ESCALUS, an ancient Lord joined with him.
- CLAUDIO, a young Gentleman.
- LUCIO, his Friend.
- ISABELLA, Siſter to Claudio.
- JULIET, with child by Claudio.
MEASURE for MEASURE.
[35]I CANNOT ſee what moral can be extracted from the fable of this Piece; but as the author of it ſeems to have thought otherwiſe, I ſhall preſent the reader with his idea on this ſubject, in his own words; where the Duke paſſes ſentence on Angelo, his deputy, for his double villainy:
But as there is not matter enough here, for fur⯑ther expatiating upon, I ſhall proceed to collect to⯑gether the diſperſed maxims, ſentiments or morals, which may be gathered from the field at large; and which I ſhall arrange under their ſeveral heads, with⯑out regard to the order of the drama; as this method may beſt ſerve to give them an united force, and enable them to act more ſtrongly on the minds of my readers.
ACT I.
SCENE II.
That our talents, our faculties, or powers, are not our own, properly; but that we are to conſider ourſelves as endowed with ſuch advantages, by Pro⯑vidence, for the more enlarged benefit of mankind, is finely ſet forth in the following ſpeech:
The dangers to be apprehended to ſociety, from thoſe who affect too much popularity, are very juſtly remarked upon, in the ſame Scene; which judgment may be fully ſupported by innumerable inſtances of Demagogues to be met with in hiſtory, both ancient and modern.
SCENE VI.
That a ſpirit of liberty, where the reins of go⯑vernment are ſuffered to relax, is too apt to exceed into a licentiouſneſs which counteracts its own ends, is well noted here.
Again, in the next Scene:
And juſt after, condemning his own neglect, in ſuffering the people to take ſuch ſcope, he carries his cenſure againſt himſelf ſo far, as even to ſay that he had encouraged them to do ſo:
The ſame reflection is carried on, in the fifth Scene of the Second Act; where ſome one ſays, ‘Lord Angelo is ſevere.’ To which Eſcalus, his colleague in adminiſtration, replies,
But to recur back again to the firſt Act, which I quitted in purſuit of the above argument ſtarted there; in the ſixth Scene, where Claudio deſires his friend to employ his ſiſter to ſolicit his pardon, he very judiciouſly urges that peculiar kind of per⯑ſuaſiveneſs, which naturally dwells in youth and innocence:
And again, in the laſt Scene of this firſt Act, Lucio ſays to Iſabella,
[38]In the ſame Scene the nature and danger of irre⯑ſolution is well deſcribed.
ACT II.
SCENE I.
The political arguments for juſtice, with the humane motives for mercy, are finely contraſted here, between the two Deputies of the State:
SCENE VII.
[39]We find the ſame ſubjects continued here, with additional ſpirit and beauty.
O juſt, but ſevere law! Muſt he needs die?
Maiden, no remedy.
I will not do it.
But can you, if you would?
Look, what I will not *, that I cannot do.
He's ſentenced; 'tis too late.
Pray you, be gone.
Yet ſhew ſome pity.
Why do you put theſe ſayings upon me?
Gentle, my lord, turn back.
I will bethink me — Come again, to-morrow.
How? Bribe me!
I have tranſcribed, perhaps, more of this dialogue, than may be thought ſtrictly relative to the argu⯑ments of it; but I found it impoſſible to break off before, and I believe the reader would be ſorry to have had me interrupt it ſooner.
SCENE VIII.
The powerful attractions of virtue and modeſty, are finely ſhewn, in Angelo's conflict and reflections, here. Iſabella, having, in the laſt Scene, received ſome hope of pardon for her brother, takes leave of the Deputy, with this expreſſion:
SCENE IX.
The Duke here, under the character of a friar, in confeſſing Juliet, gives an admirable leſſon on the nature of contrition, diſtinguiſhing it very properly from attrition merely; and, at the ſame time, ex⯑preſſes a juſt but ſevere ſentence againſt a woman's failure in the point of chaſtity; their education, their manners, and the moral conſequences of their frailty, throwing ſo many more bars in their way, than the modes of the world have oppoſed to the other ſex.
SCENE X.
The frailty of human nature is well deſcribed in the wanderings of the mind in prayer, and the ſtruggle between virtue and paſſion, in the firſt ſpeech here; which concludes with obſerving, how apt the pageantry or falſe ſeemings of power are to impoſe on the world, even the great vulgar, as well as the ſmall.
SCENE XI.
There is a proper ſentiment of Chriſtian humility, expreſſed by Iſabella, in this place:
[44]And juſt after, there is a virtuous argument finely ſupported by her, againſt the inſidious pleadings of the Deputy; who, after refuſing her a pardon for her brother, thus proceeds:
ACT III.
SCENE I.
The Duke, remaining ſtill under the diſguiſe of a friar, comes to the priſon to prepare Claudio for death; upon which ſubject he makes a number of moral and philoſophic reflections; but theſe laſt moſtly of the Stoic kind, by obſerving on the precariouſ⯑neſs and inſignificancy of human life; the whole of which I ſhall give here at full length.
And in the next ſcene, Iſabella, after hinting to her brother at certain baſe conditions, on which his ſentence might be remitted, endeavours to ſtrengthen his reſolution to prefer death before diſhonour, by ſomewhat of the ſame manner of reaſoning, as above; but more concluſive and conciſe:
To this ſuſpicion of his weakneſs he replies, with the ſpirit becoming a man of honour and vir⯑tue:
But after having paid this compliment to heroiſm, Human Nature comes in for its ſhare, in turn; and he then pleads for life, even on the moſt abject terms:
Oh, Iſabel!
What ſays my brother?
Death's a fearful thing.
And ſhamed life a hateful.
What an ignoble ſentiment is here expreſſed, in the four laſt lines of this ſpeech! and yet the great Maecenas had the ſame, and declared it very nearly in the ſame words! What a diſgrace to letters! But hiſtory deſcribes him to have been a perſon of fop⯑piſh and effeminate manners; and 'tis but rarely that the outward character belies the inward one.
[47]Iſabella's indignation againſt her brother on this occaſion, though it has no relation to the ſubjects we are upon, yet as it may have an effect in raiſing the ſame reſentment againſt vice and meanneſs, in the minds of my readers, I think it worthy to be in⯑ſerted here:
SCENE VI.
In the laſt ſpeech of this ſcene, our Author gives us a ſhocking, but too juſt deſcription of Slander:
ACT IV.
SCENE III.
In the laſt paſſage of this Scene, the Duke repeats the ſame reflection, in ſtill ſtronger terms:
Such has been the complaint of all ages, even when the ſcandal was merely oral; but how much more intolerable has the offence become, of late years, when obloquy is not only privately ſpoken, but pub⯑licly printed, and openly circulated throughout theſe kingdoms? The Freedom of the Preſs ſhould be ever [48] held ſacred among us. 'Tis our Palladium. But ſurely, to reſtrain its Licentiouſneſs, can no more hurt the Liberty of it, than the chaſtiſement of felony can be ſaid to injure the liberty of the ſubject.
SCENE X.
When Iſabella, upon a ſuppoſition of her brother's death, curſes Angelo for his perfidy, the Duke re⯑proves her in the following words:
Shakeſpeare ſeems to have wound up the ſeveral morals of his characters and dialogue, in this place, with an excellent Chriſtian document, againſt the rage of malediction, and the paſſion of revenge; for we find little more in the remainder of it, ſufficiently worthy of continuing any further remarks on the Piece.
POSTSCRIPT.
In Number 491 of the SPECTATOR, there is a pa⯑rallel ſtory with this of Angelo related, though not in every circumſtance the ſame, of Rhynſault, Go⯑vernor of Zealand, under Charles the Bald, Duke of Burgundy; which may amuſe the reader to recur to, after reading this Play.
THE MERCHANT OF VENICE.
[]Dramatis Perſonae.
[]- MOROCHIUS, a Mooriſh Prince.
- PRINCE of Arragon.
- ANTHONIO, the Merchant of Venice.
- BASSANIO, his Friend.
- SALANIO, Friends to Anthonio and Baſſanio.
- SOLARINO, Friends to Anthonio and Baſſanio.
- GRATIANO, Friends to Anthonio and Baſſanio.
- LORENZO, in love with Jeſſica.
- SHYLOCK, a Jew.
- LAUNCELOT, Servant to the Jew.
- PORTIA, an Heireſs.
- NERISSA, her Maid.
- JESSICA, the Jew's Daughter.
THE MERCHANT of VENICE.
[51]I Shall take no further notice of the want of a moral fable, in the reſt of theſe Plays; but ſhall proceed to obſerve upon the characters and dialogue, without interruption, for the future.
ACT I.
SCENE I.
The forebodings or preſentiments of evil, natural to the human mind, are ſtrongly pointed at here. It were in vain to attempt the inveſtigation of this mat⯑ter from philoſophy, any more than that of prophetic dreams; ſo that all we have to do, is ſimply to ac⯑quieſce in the fact itſelf, which repeated experience has ſufficiently vouched in too many remarkable in⯑ſtances, to be imputed to common caſualty.
Upon which his two friends attempt to account for this impreſſion on his mind, in a very natural manner—as, ‘Where a man's treaſure is, there will his heart be alſo.’
But when he denies that any reflection upon the ſtate of his fortune, or that even the paſſion of love, has wrought this grave effect upon his ſpirits, they then remain quite at a loſs to account farther for it, referring it merely to the peculiarity of his charac⯑ter, or particular complexion of mind; which is deſcribed and contraſted with one of an oppoſite caſt, with admirable humour:
Gratiano then coming in, and taking notice of the ſeriouſneſs of Anthonio's aſpect, alike imputes it to the ſame cauſe his other friends had done:
To which he replies:
Upon this, Gratiano enters into the ſame hu⯑morous deſcription of the different characters of men, as Solarino had done.
Another very common character in life is alſo deſcribed in the ſame ſcene; though I think not fairly applicable to the perſon who was capable of making the ſpeech above cited:
‘Gratiano ſpeaks an infinite deal of nothing, more than any man in all Venice. His reaſons are as two grains of wheat hid in two buſhels of chaff; you may ſeek all day ere you find them; and when you have them, they are not worth the ſearch.’
[54]In the following paſſage of the ſame Scene, there is a warmth of affection and generous friendſhip, fondly and beautifully expreſſed.
Again, in the third Scene of Act the Third, the ſame noble ſpirit is carried on.
And from the Fifth Scene of the ſame Act, an⯑other paſſage may be quoted, which breathes the ſame ſtrain.
There is a becoming reſerve and modeſty in this laſt ſentence, which gives an additional beauty to the character of Portia. But I muſt now return again to the Firſt Act, that I may recover the order of the reflections which are made in this Piece.
SCENE II.
Here the golden mean is well recommended, by ſhewing the exceſs on either ſide, to be equally bad:
By my troth, Neriſſa, my little body is weary of this great world.
You would be, ſweet madam, if your miſeries were in the ſame abundance as your good fortunes are. And yet, for aught I ſee, they are as ſick that ſurfeit with too much, as they that ſtarve with nothing; therefore, it is no mean happineſs to be ſeated in the mean; ſuperfluity comes ſooner by white hairs, but compe⯑tency lives longer."
From thence Portia takes occaſion to hint at the inefficacy of good counſel towards governing or reſtraining our paſſions:
Good ſentences, and well pronounced.
They would be better, if well followed.
If to do, were as eaſy as to know what were good to do, chapels had been churches, and poor men's cottages princes palaces. He is a good divine that follows his own inſtructions; I can eaſier teach twenty what were good to be done, than to be one of the twenty to follow my own teaching. The brain may deviſe laws for the blood, but a hot temper leaps o'er a cold decree; ſuch a hare is madneſs, the youth, to ſkip o'er the maſhes of good coun⯑ſel, the cripple.
ACT II.
SCENE I.
The next paſſage that occurs, is a reflection on the caſualties of fortune, which no merit, no induſtry, no prudence can controul.
SCENE II.
[57]In this Scene, the ſoliloquy of Launcelot is a ſtrong picture of the mind of man, whenever it de⯑bates within itſelf upon the right or wrong of a queſtion, in which it is any way intereſted; for in ſuch caſes, our paſſions, even without our conniv⯑ance, are apt to plead their own cauſe; and we but ſophiſticate, while we think we reaſon. In all doubt⯑ful matters, where the arguments ſeem to be equally ſuſpended, 'tis prudent ever to ſuſpect that ſide of the balance to be the lighteſt, which we find our affec⯑tions the moſt inclined to.
Certainly, my conſcience will ſerve me to run from this Jew, my maſter. The fiend is at my elbow, and tempts me; ſaying to me, Gobbo, Launcelot Gobbo, good Launcelot, or good Gobbo, or good Launcelot Gobbo, uſe your legs, take the ſtart, run away. My conſcience ſays, no; take heed, honeſt Launcelot, take heed, honeſt Gobbo; or, as aforeſaid, honeſt Launcelot Gobbo, do not run; ſcorn running with the heels. Well, the moſt coura⯑geous fiend bids me pack; via! ſays the fiend; away! ſays the fiend; for the heavens, rouſe up a brave mind, ſays the fiend; and run. Well, my conſcience, hanging about the neck of my heart, ſays very wiſely to me, my honeſt friend, Launcelot, being an ho⯑neſt man's ſon, or rather, an honeſt woman's ſon (for, indeed, my father did ſomething ſmack; ſomething grow to; he had a kind of taſte)—Well, my conſcience ſays, budge not; budge, ſays the fiend; budge not, ſays my conſcience. Conſcience, ſays I, you counſel ill; fiend, ſays I, you counſel ill. To be ruled by my conſcience, I ſhould ſtay with the Jew, my maſter, who, God bleſs the mark, is a kind of devil; and to run away from the Jew, I ſhould be ruled by the fiend; who, ſaving your reverence, is the devil him⯑ſelf. Certainly, the Jew is the very devil incarnal; and in my conſcience, my conſcience is but a kind of hard conſcience, to offer to counſel me to ſtay with the Jew. The fiend gives the more friendly counſel; I will run; fiend, my heels are at your command⯑ment; I will run.
SCENE IX.
The deſcription here given of the parting of two friends, would make a beautiful and affecting ſub⯑ject for the pencil:
SCENE X.
[58]The falſe or miſtaken ſupputations of happineſs, which men are too often apt to frame to themſelves, are well remarked upon, in this place:
And immediately after, in the ſame ſpeech, he makes a juſt and noble reflection, diſtinguiſhing merit from dignities; or titles to, from titles of, ho⯑nour.
ACT III. SCENE I.
[59]The great principle of univerſal charity, which ſoars above the partial reſpects of nations or of ſects, is ſtrongly, though indirectly, inculcated, in the Jew's ſpeech, here; which, according to this very principle, ſhould be received without prejudice, though proceeding from the mouth of an Alien, and an Infidel.
Shylock, ſpeaking of Anthonio, ‘He hath diſgraced me, and hindered me of half a million, laughed at my loſſes, mocked at my gains, ſcorned my nation, thwarted my bargains, cooled my friends, heated mine enemies; and what's his reaſon? I am a Jew. Hath not a Jew eyes? Hath not a Jew hands, organs, dimenſions, ſenſes, affections, paſſions? Fed with the ſame food, hurt by the ſame weapons, ſubject to the ſame diſeaſes, healed by the ſame means, warmed and cooled by the ſame ſummer and winter, as a Chriſtian is? If you prick us, do we not bleed? If you tickle us, do we not laugh? If you poiſon us, do we not die?’
As the remainder of the ſpeech exceeds the mo⯑deration of Chriſtian ethics, I think proper to ſtop the Jew's mouth, here.
The ſame perſon ſays ſomething again to the like purport, in the firſt Scene of Act the Fourth, that ought to awaken our minds to proper ſentiments of humanity, upon this ſubject.
Monteſquieu, in his Spirit of Laws, ſpeaking with a juſt contempt and humorous ſeverity againſt all the arguments brought in defence of this cruelty, [60] ſays, that the ſtrongeſt reaſon which can be given for the practice of uſing Negroes like beaſts of bur⯑den, is, their having black ſkins, and flat noſes.
In the ſecond Scene of the Third Act, the diffi⯑culty of determining the true rate of perſons or things, is largely commented upon; and as opinion is too often more under the dominion of fancy than of reaſon, perhaps the ſtanzas which precede the reflections, may ſerve as a proper prelude to the ſpeech. The reader, at leaſt, I dare ſay, will be pleaſed at finding them inſerted here.
After which Baſſanio ſpeaks:
Portia's rapture, on finding her favourite lover has choſen right, is warmly and finely expreſſed, in the next ſpeech; in which the danger of an ex⯑ceſs of joy is alſo pointed out:
In the fifth Scene following, there is a ridiculous, but whimſical, deſcription of a vain boaſting young man; many of which ſort are to be met with in life; in courts, in camps, in coffee-houſes:
ACT IV. SCENE II.
The character of Mercy is here moſt beautifully deſcribed. This paſſage can never be too often read. There is no danger of its growing feared and tedious *, as Angelo ſays of the laws of juſtice.
There is alſo a paſſage in the ſame Scene, where the Pro and Con for partial juſtice is rightly ar⯑gued [63] on both ſides; but terminates, as I fear it ſhould do, for the ſafety of a State, in ſtoical ſtrict⯑neſs.
We have alſo, here, ſome philoſophic reflections on the advantages of dying before we are encumbered with age and poverty, with a manly ſpirit of ac⯑quieſcence in the unavoidable ills of life, joined to the affecting tenderneſs and generous regards of friendſhip.
Anthonio, when the Jew has obtained ſentence againſt him:
'Tis a pity this fine ſpeech ſhould be diſgraced by the quibble in the laſt expreſſion.
ACT V.
[64]SCENE I.
The enchanting powers and effects of muſic are here moſt poetically ſet forth. There can never be ſaid too much on this charming theme. Men's minds may be ſometimes too ſtern or obſtinate to yield to argument, but in melody there is a ſort of ſentiment, that ſinks into the heart, and by awaking the ſofter paſſions of the ſoul, often perſuades, where reaſon elſe would fail.
There is alſo a beautiful alluſion made to the light of a candle, in this place, which, with the moral deduced from it, is, I think, worthy to be noted here.
So ſays the Scripture, "Let your light ſo ſhine." And in the continuation of the ſame dialogue, the effects of time, circumſtance, compariſon, and oc⯑caſion, are beautifully and juſtly pointed out:
The next quotation, and the laſt I ſhall tranſcribe from this Play, is in the ſame Scene; where Portia accoſts her huſband's friend, Anthonio, on his firſt viſit to her, after the cataſtrophe of the piece has been wound up:
In this ſpeech ſhe very juſtly expreſſes the true ſentiment of affection, which renders profeſſions needleſs, where intentions are ſincere.
AS YOU LIKE IT.
[]Dramatis Perſonae.
[]- A DUKE, exiled from his dominions.
- AMIENS, attending upon the Duke in his baniſh⯑ment.
- JAQUES, attending upon the Duke in his baniſh⯑ment.
- A LORD, attending upon the Duke in his baniſh⯑ment.
- OLIVER, eldeſt Son to Sir Rowland de Boys.
- ORLANDO, his brother.
- ADAM, an old Steward of Sir Rowland de Boys.
- TOUCHSTONE, an Attendant on Celia and Roſalind.
- CORIN, an old Shepherd.
- SYLVIUS, a young one.
- ROSALIND, Daughter to the Duke.
- CELIA, Daughter to Frederick, his Brother, the Uſurper.
AS YOU LIKE IT.
[69]ACT I.
SCENE I.
THIS Play begins with a reflection on the firſt, and I may add the principal, concern in life, the education of children. Men are often more ſedulous in training the brutes of their kennels, their mews and their ſtables, than they ſeem to be about the heirs of their blood, their fortunes, or their honours. In ſad truth may it be ſaid, that we ſeldom meet with a jockey, an huntſman, or a ſportſman, who is half ſo well-bred as his horſes, his hawks, or his hounds.
Orlando, ſpeaking of the unkindneſs of his elder brother and guardian, ſays, ‘For my part, he keeps me ruſtically at home; or, to ſpeak more properly, flies me here at home, unkept; for call you that keep⯑ing, for a gentleman of my birth, that differs not from the ſtalling of an ox? His horſes are bred better; for beſides that they are fair with their feeding, they are taught their manage; and to that end riders dearly hired; but I, his brother, gain nothing under him but growth; for the which the animals on his dunghills are as much bound to him as I. Beſides this Nothing that he ſo plen⯑tifully gives me, the Something that Nature gave me his coun⯑tenance ſeems to take from me. He lets me feed with his hinds, bars me the place of a brother, and, as much as in him lies, mines * my gentility with my education.’
SCENE III.
The laſt ſpeech, here, though it preſents us with no moral, I cannot paſs by without remarking, that it ſeems to be a perfect deſcription of our author's own character.
Oliver, ſpeaking of Orlando, his younger bro⯑ther, ſays, ‘Yet he's gentle; never ſchooled, and yet learned; full of noble device; and of all ſorts enchantingly beloved—’
SCENE IV.
[70]There are ſome paſſages very tender, gene⯑rous, and affecting, in the firſt part of the dialogue between Roſalind and Celia, who had been bred up from their infancy in friendſhip together; the firſt, daughter to the exiled Duke; and the other, child to his brother, the Uſurper.
I pray thee, Roſalind, ſweet my coz, be merry.
Dear Celia, I ſhew more mirth than I am miſtreſs of; and would you yet I were merrier? Unleſs you could teach me to forget a baniſhed father, you muſt not learn me how to remember any extraordinary pleaſure.
Herein I ſee thou loveſt me not with the full weight that I love thee. If my uncle, thy baniſhed father, had baniſhed thy uncle, the Duke my father, ſo thou hadſt been ſtill with me, I could have taught my love to take thy father for mine; and ſo wouldſt thou, if the truth of thy love to me were ſo righteouſly tempered, as mine is to thee.
Well, I will forget the condition of my eſtate, and rejoice in yours.
You know, my father hath no child but me, nor none is like to have; and, truly, when he dies, thou ſhalt be his heir; for what he hath taken away from thy father perforce, I will render thee again in affection—By mine honour, I will—And when I break that oath, let me turn monſter—Therefore, my ſweet Roſe, my dear Roſe, be merry.
The ſame fondneſs between them is repeated in the tenth Scene of the ſame Act, upon Roſalind's being commanded to quit the dominions of the Uſurper.
As there are many vices in morals that are injuri⯑ous to ſociety, and which the laws have not ſtigma⯑tized, or poſſibly cannot ſufficiently provide againſt, the reprehenſions of Satire, under proper reſtrictions, may perhaps be deemed a neceſſary ſupplement to legiſlation. The moſt worthleſs perſon would chuſe to ſin in ſecret, as not being able to endure the being rendered an object of public deteſtation or ridicule; the fear of being pointed at has often laid a reſtraint on vice; in which ſenſe the finger may be ſaid to be ſtronger than the arm. Othello patheti⯑cally deſcribes ſuch a ſituation:
The paſſage which gave riſe to theſe reflections, is in this fourth Scene, where Celia interrupts Touch⯑ſtone, in his abuſe of an abſent perſon:
Enough! Speak no more of him; you'll be whipt for taxation, one of theſe days.
The more pity, that fools may not ſpeak wiſely, what wiſe men do fooliſhly.
By my troth, thou ſayeſt true; for ſince the little wit that fools have was ſilenced *, the little foolery that wiſe men have makes a great ſhow.
SCENE VIII.
There is a very proper hint given here to women, not to deviate from the preſcribed rules and deco⯑rums of their ſex. Whenever they venture to ſtep [72] the leaſt out of their walk, in life, they are too ge⯑nerally apt to wander aſtray.
Oh, how full of briars is this working-day world!
They are but burs, couſin, thrown upon thee, in holiday foolery; if we walk not in the trodden paths, our very petticoats will catch them.
SCENE X.
Roſalind, ſpeaking of diſguiſing herſelf in man's apparel, gives a good deſcription of a ſwaggering bully:
ACT II.
SCENE I.
The firſt ſpeech in this Scene is rich in reflection upon the new-moulding faculty of uſe or habit, the preference of a ſincere country life to a falſe city one, the advantages of adverſity, and the benefits of retired contemplation.
In the continuation of the ſame dialogue, ſome humane ſentiments are thrown out on the ſub⯑ject of hunting, with an affecting deſcription given of a wounded deer; and alſo ſome moral allu⯑ſions from human life to the different circumſtances and ſituations of the poor victim, which muſt equally engage the thought and feeling of the reader.
Whoever could read the above deſcription, and eat veniſon, on the ſame day, muſt have a better ſtomach, or a ſtouter heart, than they would do well to boaſt of—Such melancholy, ſuch ſullen fits, as theſe of Jaques, have ſomething more charming in them, than all ‘"The broadeſt mirth unfeeling Folly wears."’
SCENE III.
The dangers of pre-eminence and virtue in a wicked and envious world, are finely noted here.
Adam meeting Orlando, after he had conquered the Uſurper's champion:
When Adam counſels him to fly from the perſe⯑cution of his cruel brother, his anſwer expreſſes a noble and virtuous acquieſcence in any ſtate of miſery or danger, rather than ſubmit to ſupport himſelf by baſe or diſhoneſt means:
There is a charming glow of affection, gratitude, and ſpirit, in the reply made by Adam; with a pleaſ⯑ing deſcription of the virtue and ſobriety of the an⯑tient Peaſantry of England; and the difference of manners and morals between thoſe times and the more modern ones, is well remarked upon.
SCENE. IV.
The nature and follies of love are here extremely well deſcribed, between the ſeveral ſpeakers.
Alas, poor ſhepherd! Searching of thy wound, I have, by hard adventure, found my own.
And I mine. I remember, when I was in love, I broke my ſword upon a ſtone, and bid him take that for coming a-nights to Jane Smile; and I remember the kiſſing of her batlet *, and the cow's dugs that her pretty chopt hands had milked; and I remember the wooing a peaſcod inſtead of her, from whom I took two peas, and giving her them again, ſaid, with weeping tears, Wear theſe for my ſake. We that are true lovers run into ſtrange capers; but as all is mortal in nature, ſo is all nature in love mortal † in folly.
There is a very pretty poem on the ſame ſubject, and which ſeems to have taken its hint from this paſſage in Shakeſpeare, though the inſtances are dif⯑ferent and more in number, written by Miſs Aikin, among a collection of her's lately publiſhed, which I would inſert here, but that I ſuppoſe every reader of taſte muſt be in poſſeſſion of a work which ſo well deſerves a place in the moſt ſelect libraries; as doing equal honour to literature, and her ſex. (See page 66, of her Poems.)
SCENE V.
The common or modern modes of civility are well enough ridiculed, here; which, however, does not by any means reprove the fond expreſſions of affection, or the warm returns of gratitude.
Well, then, if ever I thank any man, I'll thank you; but that they call compliments, is like the encounter of two dog⯑apes. And when a man thanks me heartily, methinks I have given him a penny, and he renders me the beggarly thanks for it.
[78]In the ſame place, the melancholy Jaques, as he is characterized, though he be of a gloomy and un⯑ſociable complexion himſelf, deſcribes a character in one word, that, in my opinion, is ſtill more unqua⯑lified for the converſe of the world than his own.
When he is told that the Duke has been all the day to look for him, he replies, ‘And I have been all this day to avoid him. He is too diſputable * for my company. I think of as many matters as he; but I give heaven thanks, and make no boaſt of them ‡.’
SCENE VI.
There is ſomething extremely pathetic and affecting in this ſhort ſcene between Orlando and Adam, on their pilgrimage.
Dear maſter, I can go no further. O, I die for food! Here lie I down, and meaſure out my grave. Farewell, kind maſter!
Why, how now, Adam! no greater heart in thee! live a little; comfort a little; chear thyſelf a little. If this un⯑couth foreſt yield any thing ſavage, I will be either food for it, or bring it for food to thee. Thy conceit is nearer death than thy powers. For my ſake, be comfortable †; hold death a-while at the arm's end. I will be here with thee preſently; and if I bring the [...] not ſomething to eat, I'll give thee leave to die; but if thou dieſt before I come, thou art a mocker of my labour. Well ſaid—thou lookeſt cheerly; and I'll be with you quickly. Yet thou lieſt in the bleak air. Come, I will bear thee to ſome ſhelter, and thou ſhall not die for the lack of a dinner, if there live any thing in this deſert. Cheerly, good Adam.
SCENE VII.
Trite obſervations and common-place morals are well expoſed here:
In the ſame ſcene there is a good defence made for general ſatire.
Jaques, being accuſed of ſlander, ſays,
See the laſt remark on Scene IV. Act I. of this Play.
SCENE VIII.
[80]The following paſſage requires no comment to point out its beauties, or to mark its impreſſion.
Orlando, travelling through the foreſt, with his poor old friend, leaves him, for a while, to go in queſt of food, as ſhewn before, in the laſt Scene but one; and coming where the Duke and his train are at dinner, draws his ſword, to force ſome of the viands from them. The former Scene, already quoted, prepares us finely for Orlando's violence here, which muſt otherwiſe have created diſguſt, and ſeem to have been inconſiſtent with his expreſſion, in the third Scene above, where he ſays to Adam,
Upon this challenge, the Duke ſays,
SCENE IX.
On Orlando's going out, the Duke ſays,
Upon which alluſion, Jaques gives a fine pictu⯑reſque and dramatic deſcription of life and character, in the following ſpeech:
SCENE X.
Some melancholy reflections on the baſe vice and moſt heinous ſin of ingratitude, are ſweetly com⯑prized in the following Air:
ACT III.
SCENE III.
No ſituation of life is ſatisfactory to us; there is ſomething we like, in all, but none that we would chuſe to take up with for better for worſe. This im⯑patience, this diſſatisfaction, in the mind of man, proclaims aloud that this world was never deſigned as our place of reſt; and to refer us for it to the grave, is but infidel mockery, ſurely.
[83]I am well aware, that after ſo ſerious a reflection, the following paſſage may be deemed too ſlight an illuſtration of the remark; but as it gave riſe to it, I think in juſtice that I ought to quote it here; for even a ſtraw is an argument of Providence, to the contemplative mind.
And how like you this ſhepherd's life, Mr. Touch⯑ſtone?
Truly, ſhepherd, in reſpect of itſelf, it is a good life; but in reſpect that it is a ſhepherd's life, it is naught. In reſpect that it is ſolitary, I like it very well; but in reſpect that it is private, it is a very vile life. Now, in reſpect that it is in the fields, it pleaſeth me well; but in reſpect it is not in the court, it is tedious. As it is a ſpare life, look you, it fits my humour well; but as there is no more plenty in it, it goes much againſt my ſto⯑mach.
SCENE IV.
The common ſing-ſong of poetry is well obſerved upon, here; ſuch verſes, as Horace ſays, a perſon may compoſe two hundred of, ſtanding on one leg *, "without one thought to interrupt the ſong."
Roſalind, reading a paper written in her praiſe:
Upon which Touchſtone ſays, ‘I'll rhime you ſo, eight years together; dinners, and ſuppers, and ſleeping hours, excepted. It is the right butter-woman's rate to market. This is the very falſe gallop of verſes. Why do you in⯑fect yourſelf with them?’
SCENE VIII.
The different computations of time which are made by perſons variouſly intereſted in its progreſ⯑ſion, [84] are well and humorouſly deſcribed in this place.
I pray you, what is't a clock?
You ſhould aſk me, what time o'day—there's no clock in the foreſt.
Then there's no true lover in the foreſt; elſe, ſighing every minute, and groaning every hour, would detect the lazy foot of time, as well as a clock.
And why not the ſwift foot of time? Had not that been as proper?
By no means, Sir. Time travels in divers paces, with divers perſons.—I'll tell you whom time trots withal, whom time ambles withal, whom time gallops withal, and whom he ſtands ſtill withal.
I prithee, whom doth he trot withal?
Marry, he trots hard * with a young maid, between the contract of her marriage, and the day it is ſolemnized. If the interim be but a ſe'nnight, time's pace is ſo hard, that it ſeems the length of ſeven years.
Whom ambles time withal?
With a prieſt that lacks Latin, and a rich man that hath not the gout; for the one ſleeps eaſily, becauſe he cannot ſtudy; and the other lives merrily, becauſe he feels no pain: the one lacking the burden of lean and waſteful learning; and the other knowing no burden of heavy tedious penury. Theſe time ambles withal.
Whom doth he gallop withal?
With a thief to the gallows; for though he go ſoftly as foot can fall, he thinks himſelf too ſoon there.
Who ſtays at withal?
With lawyers in the vacation; for they ſleep between term and term; and then they perceive not how time moves.
SCENE X.
Never talk to me—I will weep.
Do, I prithee; but yet have the grace to conſider that tears do not become a man †:
But have I not cauſe to weep?
As good cauſe as one would deſire; therefore, weep.
His very hair is of the diſſembling colour.
Something browner than Judas's—Marry, his kiſſes are Judas's own children.
No, faith, his hair is of a good colour.
An excellent colour. Your cheſnut was ever the only colour.
And his kiſſing is as full of ſanctity, as the touch of holy beard.
He hath bought a pair of caſt lips of Diana; a Nun of Winter's ſiſterhood kiſſes not more religiouſly; the very ice of chaſtity is in them.
The abrupt commencement of this dialogue leads us to ſuppoſe, that it is but the continuation of one they had engaged in before their appearance in this ſcene, in which Celia had been endeavouring to quiet Roſalind's fears, upon her lover's having broke his promiſe of meeting her; and whether from being tired with her obſtinacy, or reſolving to try her ſincerity, ſhe here ſeems to join in her reſentment, by agreeing with her in every thing; which has an effect very natural in all ſuch caſes, that the plaintiff immediately becomes defendant, whenever the perſon beloved happens to be cenſured by any one elſe but them⯑ſelves.
Hermione ſays,
And the danger of interfering between man and wife, I ſhould hope ariſes from this principle. Reſentments may interrupt affection; but they muſt riſe to ſome⯑thing more, to cancel one that ever has been tho⯑roughly conceived.
SCENE XI.
Foul is moſt foul, being foul to be a ſcoffer.
This is a juſt thought; and it would be well if it were more attended to. No perſons have a right to cenſure others, who are not free from blame them⯑ſelves. This maxim, if extended to the ſtrictneſs of it, would ſilence all ſcandal, detraction, and re⯑proach; [86] and indeed it has been often obſerved, that the moſt faultleſs perſons are generally the leaſt ſe⯑vere. Heaven has more mercy, than man.
ACT IV.
SCENE I.
As I have already given the reader ſome extracts of the character and ſentiments of the melancholy Jaques, in this Play, which muſt give a favourable impreſſion of him; I think he will be well pleaſed to ſee him introduced once more, particularly in a part where he gives a deſcription of himſelf, as he does in this ſcene, and where the lively Roſalind alſo equally and juſtly condemns the extremes, both of a merry and a grave complexion of mind and man⯑ners.
They ſay, you are a melancholy fellow.
I am ſo—I do love it better than laughing.
Thoſe who are in the extremity of either, are abomi⯑nable fellows; and betray themſelves to every modern cenſure, worſe than drunkards.
Why, 'tis good to be ſad, and ſay nothing.
Why, then, 'tis good to be a poſt.
I have neither the ſcholar's melancholy, which is emu⯑lation; nor the muſician's, which is fantaſtic; nor the courtier's, which is proud; nor the ſoldier's, which is ambitious; nor the lawyer's, which is politic; nor the ladies, which is nice; nor the lover's, which is all theſe; but it is a melancholy of mine own, compounded of many ſimples, extracted from many objects, and, indeed, the ſundry contemplation of my travels, on which my often rumination wraps me in a moſt humorous * ſadneſs.
And your experience makes you ſad. I had rather have a fool to make me merry, than experience to make me ſad— and to travel for it too!
Roſalind then, taking advantage of the word travel, gives a deſcription of the alamode pilgrims of Shake⯑ſpeare's times, which may anſwer full as well for the faſhionable emigrants of our own days.
There is ſomething, upon the whole of this ſombre character of Jaques, that is intereſting, and makes me recollect a French line of ſome uncommon, becauſe ingenious and indulgent, Critic, who ſays, ‘Un eſprit né chagrin, plait par ſon chagrin même.’
SCENE V.
There is no paſſion which Shakeſpeare more fre⯑quently, or ſo poetically deſcribes, as that of love; and as it is the one which, by its deſpotiſm in our youthful years, often forms the deſtiny of our future life, and holds ſo immediate a relation to morals, we ſhould ſuffer no occaſion to paſs unnoticed, however humorouſly or ludicrouſly expreſſed, which either de⯑fines its nature, or remarks upon its effects.
No, that ſame wicked baſtard of Venus, that was begot of thought, conceived of ſpleen, and born of madneſs, that blind raſcally boy, that abuſes every one's eyes, becauſe his own are out, let him be judge how deep I am in love. I tell thee, Aliena, I cannot be out of the ſight of Orlando—I'll go find a ſhadow *, and ſigh till he come.
ACT V.
SCENE V.
The uncertainty of opinion in things where the mind is anxious, is hinted at here:
SCENE VI.
[88]Rich honeſty dwells like a miſer, Sir, in a poor houſe; as your pearl in your ſoul oyſter.
Men who pretend to know the world, are apt to jo [...]n in the above ſatire upon mankind, by ſaying, what I am ſorry to repeat, that if we were to ſeek for honeſty, we muſt look for it, as the Clown hints, among the middle ranks of life.
The punctilios of honour, with regard to the falſe bravery, or Gothic chivalry of duelling, is admirably jeſted on in the ſame ſcene.
But for the ſeventh cauſe; how did you find the quar⯑rel on the ſeventh cauſe?
Upon a lye ſeven times removed; as thus, Sir— I did diſlike the cut of a certain courtier's beard; he ſent me word, if I ſaid his beard was not cut well, he was in the mind it was. This is called the retort courteous. If I ſent him word again, it was not well cut, he would ſend me word, he cut it to pleaſe himſelf. This is called the qu [...]p modeſt. If again, it was not well cut, he diſabled my judgment. This is called the reply churliſh, If again, it was not well cut, he would anſwer, I ſpake not true. This is called the reproof valiant. If again, it was not well cut, he would ſay, I lye. This is called the countercheck quarrelſome. And ſo, the lye circumſtantial, and the lye direct.
And how oft did you ſay that his beard was not well cut?
I durſt go no further than the lye circumſtantial; nor durſt he give me the lye direct; and ſo we meaſured ſwords, and parted *.
Can you nominate in order, now, the degrees of the lye?
O, Sir, we quarrel in print, by the book, as you have books for good manners. I will name you the degrees. The firſt, the retort courteous; the ſecond, the quip modeſt; the third the reply churliſh; the fourth, the reproof valiant; the fifth, the c [...]u [...]beck quarrelſome; the ſixth, the lye with circumſtance; and the ſeventh, the lye direct. All theſe you may avoid, but the lye direct; and you may avoid that too, with an If. I knew when ſeven [89] juſtices could not make up a quarrel; but when the parties were met themſelves, one of them thought but of an If; as, If you ſaid ſo, then I ſaid ſo; and they ſhook hands, and ſwore brothers. Your If is your only peace-maker—Much virtue in an If.
Doctor Warburton, in a note on this paſſage, has quoted a ſimilar one from Fletcher, in his Queen of Corinth:
As the humorous ſatire of Don Quixote came abroad into the world in Shakeſpeare's time, perhaps he might have taken a hint for this piece of ridicule from that writing; and Fletcher may have copied his raillery from him again. Malta is the only place now where the old Gothic chivalry is ſtill preſerved, and that duelling is eſtabliſhed by law.
SCENE VII.
I ſhall now conclude my remarks on this Play, with a ſong in this Scene, which comprehends my fa⯑vourite moral.
LOVE's LABOUR LOST.
[]Dramatis Perſonae.
[]- THE KING of Navarre.
- BIRON, three Lords attending upon the King in his retirement.
- LONGAVILLE, three Lords attending upon the King in his retirement.
- DUMAIN, three Lords attending upon the King in his retirement.
- DON ADRIANO DE ARMADO, a vain bombaſtical Spa⯑niard.
- MOTH, his Page,
- NATHANAEL, a Curate.
- HOLOFERNES, a Schoolmaſter.
- PRINCESS of France.
- ROSALINE, Ladies attending on the Princeſs.
- MARIA, Ladies attending on the Princeſs.
- CATHARINE, Ladies attending on the Princeſs.
LOVE's LABOUR LOST.
[93]ACT I. SCENE I.
A Laudable ambition for fame, which inſpires every perſon whoſe character is above con⯑tempt, is beautifully deſcribed and diſtinguiſhed from falſe heroiſm, in this place. To conquer ourſelves is greater than to vanquiſh others.
The king of Navarre, and three of his principal courtiers, Biron, Longaville, and Dumain, had de⯑termined upon a courſe of retirement and ſtudy, for three years, in order to fit themſelves the better for their ſeveral departments in the ſtate.
Biron, ſpeaking on this latter ſubject, and juſtly condemning all ſtudy which is not made re⯑ferable [94] to the real uſes or moral purpoſes of life, ſays,
And again:
Seneca ſeems to be of the ſame opinion with our author, where he ſays, that ‘to deſire more know⯑ledge than is ſufficient for us here, is intemper⯑ance.’
Upon reviſing the articles of their mutual agree⯑ment, they find that one of them muſt unavoidably be diſpenſed with, on account of a particular reaſon of ſtate, that had not occurred to them in the drawing them up; upon which the folly and danger of making vows, is very juſtly deſcanted on. ‘They are made,’ ſays Doctor Johnſon, on this paſſage, ‘without ſufficient regard to the variations of life, and are, therefore, broken by ſome unforeſeen ne⯑ceſſity. They proceed, commonly, from a pre⯑ſumptuous confidence, and a falſe eſtimate of hu⯑man power.’
[95]In the ſame ſcene, our author expoſes an extraor⯑dinary, and yet no uncommon character in life.
The making right and wrong equally to chuſe him for their arbitrator, is an admirable trait of an ob⯑ſequious diſpoſition. And ſince we are upon this ſubject here, I think it will be better to groupe the reſt of the characters in this Play together in this place, though they refer to different ſcenes in it.
In the Third Scene of this Act, there is a de⯑ſcription, which proves that one of the characteriſtics of the preſent age is not quite ſo modern, as one might otherwiſe be apt to imagine.
You are a gentleman, and a gameſter *.
I confeſs both; they are both the varniſh of a compleat man.
In another place, Act II. Scene I. in a dialogue between the princeſs Maria, Catharine, and Roſa⯑line, ſpeaking of the courtiers, Maria ſays,
The latter part of the character of Longaville, above deſcribed, is an unhappy quality frequently to the perſons themſelves, who happen to be infected with it. It often makes enemies, but never once a friend. Even thoſe who are the moſt maliciouſly pleaſed with it againſt others, ſtill fear it againſt themſelves. Sterne's compariſon of the jeſter and jeſtee, to the mortgager and mortgagee † is an excellent and juſt alluſion. The one may forget the debt, but the other will not only remember, but exact the pe⯑nalty, when pay-day comes.
A perſonal ſatiriſt may be likened to a hatchet-man ſitting on the arm of a tree, with his face turned to the trunk, and cutting away before him; who, when he has diſmembered the branch, falls to the ground himſelf along with it.
Laſtly, In the firſt Scene of Act IV. there are two characters, which appear the better for being placed in contraſt with each other.
I praiſe God for you, Sir; your reaſons * at dinner have been ſharp and ſententious; pleaſant without ſcurrility, witty without affectation, audacious † without impudency, learned with⯑out opinion ‡, and strange ‖ without hereſy. I did converſe this quondam-day with a companion of the king's, who is intitled, nominated, or called, Don Adriano d'Armado.
His humour is lofty, his diſcourſe peremptory, his tongue filed, his eye ambitious, his gait majeſtical, and his ge⯑neral behaviour vain, ridiculous, and thraſonical. He is too pi⯑qued, too ſpruce, too affected, too odd, as it were; too peregri⯑nate, as I may call it. He draweth out the thread of his verbo⯑ſity finer than the ſtaple of his argument. I abhor ſuch fanatical phantaſms, ſuch unſociable and point-deviſe companions; ſuch rackers of Orthography, as to ſpeak dout fine, when he ſhould ſay doubt; det, when he ſhould pronounce debt; d, e, b, t, not d, e, t. He clepeth a calf, caulf; half, haulf; neighbour vocatur nebour; neigh abbreviated ne—This is abominable, which he would pro⯑nounce abhominable—It inſinuates me of infanity; to be mad, frantic.
But to return. The pedantry of ſcholaſtic defi⯑nitions, and the verboſe ſtile of law writings, are properly ridiculed, in the ſecond Scene of the Firſt Act, in part of Armado's letter to the king, giving an information of an offence committed againſt one of his ſtatutes.
In the laſt Scene of this Firſt Act, there is a quaint deſcription given of Love; but as it is ſpoken in the perſon of Armado, whoſe affected character has been already expoſed, I ſhall inſert it here.
ACTS II. and III.
What is worth noting in the Second Act, has already been included in our excurſion from the Firſt, and the Third affords us no matter for obſer⯑vation.
ACT IV.
SCENE I.
The falſe glory of antient heroiſm is juſtly cen⯑ſured in the latter part of the following ſpeech.
The Princeſs, taking the bow to go a ſtag-ſhoot⯑ing, thus argues with herſelf, on a ſuppoſition either of her hitting or miſſing the quarry:
SCENE IV.
Part of a ſpeech here, is very worthy of a quo⯑tation; firſt, as it is one of the many fond deſcrip⯑tions of love given us by our Author; and next, as it ſhews the effects of this paſſion, in higher in⯑ſtances than any of his former ones, by urging its advantages to the minds and manners, as well as its operations upon the affections, of men; and in this light, it may be conſidered as a good comment on the fable of Cymon and Iphigenia.
Biron, ſpeaking to the King, Dumain, and Longa⯑ville, after they had all fallen in love, againſt the phlegmatic and fruitleſs ſtudy of monaſtic life, in a ſecluſion from all female converſe, ſays,
ACT V.
SCENE III.
That perſons of the beſt underſtandings are ge⯑nerally remarked to be the greateſt fools in love, the ſuperiority of their talents adding ſtrength to their paſſion, is well noted in the following obſer⯑vations; which, as Doctor Johnſon ſays upon this paſſage, ‘are worthy of a man who has ſurveyed human nature with the cloſeſt attention.’
Theſe ladies ſeem to ſpeak very philoſophically upon this ſubject; but might yet have improved [101] their lecture, by obſerving on as certain a fact, ſtill more extraordinary; which is, that to render a man of ſenſe the compleateſt ſlave in love, he muſt be captivated by a fool; provided ſhe has, what is ge⯑nerally met with in perſons of that character, a proper proportion of art or cunning.
Senſe is always a match for ſenſe, and can be over⯑reached by folly only; as here no danger is appre⯑hended to put a man on his guard, the fair one's wiles ſeeming to be all nature, naïveté, and charm⯑ing ſimplicity; and 'tis natural to humour thoſe fondlings, whom 'tis thought vain to reaſon with.
SCENE X.
I ſhall finiſh my remarks on this Play, with a paſſage in this Scene, which continues the ſubject above laſt mentioned, and is a further deſcription of the nature and effects of that paſſion:
Biron, to the ladies.
THE WINTER's TALE.
[]Dramatis Perſonae.
[]- LEONTES, King of Sicilia.
- POLIXENES, King of Bohemia.
- FLORIZEL, Prince of Bohemia.
- CAMILLO, Sicilian Lords.
- CLEOMINES, Sicilian Lords.
- Another Sicilian Lord.
- ARCHIDAMUS, a Bohemian Lord.
- A GENTLEMAN.
- AUTOLICUS, a Sharper.
- CLOWN.
- HERMIONE, Queen of Sicilia.
- PERDITA, Daughter to Leontes and Hermione.
- PAULINA, a Lady of the Sicilian Court.
THE WINTER's TALE.
[105]ACT I.
SCENE I.
THE rational, ſociable, and friendly manner in which crowned heads uſed formerly to live plea⯑ſantly with one another, is deſcribed here—Why is it no longer ſo? Does modern polity oppoſe itſelf to hu⯑manity? Kings may have miſtreſſes, indeed; but friend or favourite they muſt have none. What amends can the whole regalia of their ſolitary pomp afford them, for being denied one of the ſweeteſt, the deareſt, and the moſt virtuous enjoyments of life; a manly ſympathy of affections, and a chaſte intercourſe of ſouls! Modern kings may ſay, as Richard the Third did, I am myſelf alone; Incedo ſolus; but not in the happy ſenſe that Horace meant it—the quacunque libido eſt is wanting.
Sicilia cannot ſhew himſelf over-kind to Bohemia; they were trained together in their childhoods; and there rooted betwixt them then ſuch an affection, which cannot chuſe but branch now. Since their more mature dignities and royal neceſſities made ſeparation of their ſociety, their encounters, though not perſonal, have been royally attornied with interchange of gifts, letters, loving embaſſies; that they have ſeemed to be together, though abſent; ſhook hands, as over a vaſt; and embraced, as it were, from the ends of oppoſed winds. The heavens continue their loves!
I think there is not in the world either malice or matter to alter it.
The paſſion in mankind for life, and the pre⯑tences they make to themſelves for ſtill wiſhing to defer their departure from time to time, is well enough pointed out in the following paſſage:
[106]Camillo, ſpeaking of the young Prince of Sicilia, ſays,
He makes old hearts freſh; they that went on crutches, ere he was born, deſire yet their life to ſee him a man.
Would they elſe be content to die?
Yes, if there were no other excuſe why they ſhould deſire to live.
If the king had no ſon, they would deſire to live on crutches till he had one.
SCENE II.
The happy ſtate of youth, and conſequently of innocence, is here well deſcribed:
SCENE III.
When Leontes, having conceived a jealouſy of Polixenes, commands Camillo, whom he had ap⯑pointed cup-bearer to his gueſt, to poiſon him; this good man makes an admirable reflection on diſ⯑loyalty and rebellion, in the following ſoliloquy:
ACT II.
SCENE III.
The dumb rhetoric of innocence is finely noted here. When Paulina, the Queen's friend, purpoſes [107] to preſent the new-born child of Leontes before him, in hopes of abating his reſentment againſt its mother, ſhe ſays,
ACT III.
SCENE II.
The unhappy Queen of Sicilia, when ſhe is called upon her public trial for a ſuppoſed adultery, ſpeaks with a noble ſpirit of parental ſentiment on the occaſion.
The beautiful ſentiment expreſſed in the laſt lines, which muſt draw tears of pity from virtuous mothers, and ſhould thoſe of another kind from vicious ones, puts me in mind of a parallel paſſage in Scripture— ‘A mother in diſhonour is a reproach to her children †’.
SCENES III. and IV.
The ſudden ebbs of warm and violent tempers, with the revealing nature of a guilty conſcience; which is apt to confeſs its crime even before 'tis charged with it, as Leontes does here, with regard to the intended murder of Polixenes, which remained yet a ſecret in his own breaſt; are ſtrongly depicted in this Scene.
Leontes, on hearing that his ſon had died of grief, and ſeeing his wife fall into a ſwoon on that [108] event, is ſuddenly ſtruck with compaſſion and re⯑morſe.
SCENE V.
Paulina too, being likewiſe a perſon of ſtrong paſſions and an ungovernable temper, ſhews as quick a revulſion in the midſt of her rage againſt Leontes, upon finding him repentant, though ſhe had even told him, the moment before, that neither penance nor penitence itſelf could aught avail him.
Though I cannot help obſerving here, that her vindictive ſpirit appears plainly not to have yet ſub⯑ſided, but only taken a different courſe, by the latter part of her ſpeech; for ſhe continues ſtill to accu⯑mulate her charges againſt him, as if only by way of enumerating the articles of her forgiveneſs.
Our Author, who almoſt every where manifeſts a perfect knowledge in the anatomy of the human mind, proves his ſcience more particularly in a paſſage of this Scene, by ſhewing a property in our natures which might have eſcaped any common diſſecter of morals; and this is, our ſuffering, upon true penitence and contrition, not only all reproach thrown out againſt us with meekneſs and ſubmiſſion, but even encouraging and augmenting the abuſe, by joining in our own condemnation. This may poſſibly ariſe from a ſtrong wiſh, or ſanguine hope, that ſuch a voluntary penance may in part be ac⯑cepted, both by heaven and the world, as ſome ſort of atonement for our crimes.
Leontes, while Paulina is arraigning him with the utmoſt virulence and ſeverity, inſtead of having her caſt out from his preſence, cries,
[110]Again, when ſhe ſeems to relent of her ſeverity towards him,
In the Firſt Scene of the Fifth Act, the ſame ſubject is renewed, where Leontes manifeſts the ſame humi⯑liation and contrition for his crime, that he did be⯑fore: but as an interval of ſixteen years, ſpent in ſorrow and repentance, had paſſed between theſe two aeras, he, as would be natural then, ſhews an un⯑eaſineſs at the reproach, and intreats to be relieved from it for the future; but this in a manner ſo gentle and ſubmiſſive, as none but Shakeſpeare him⯑ſelf could have conceived. The whole paſſage is worthy of being quoted.
ACT IV.
SCENE IV.
There is a poetical hiſtory of love given here, which cloſes with a beautiful deſcription of a chaſte and pure paſſion in a lover.
SCENE V.
Here is a paſſage that I am particularly fond of, becauſe it vindicates the rights of Nature, even over thoſe arts which ſeem to vie and co-operate with her; for her general laws can never be controlled but by bye ones of her own making.
I have continued the above dialogue beyond the philoſophy of its ſubject, in order to treat my reader with one of the moſt refined ſentiments of a chaſte and delicate mind, that can poſſibly be conceived. Perdita ſhews a charming genuineneſs of nature in her latter ſpeech; for though ſhe confeſſes the truth of Polixenes' poſition, yet is ſhe ſo jealous of the honour of our great parent, that even the appearance of a violation againſt her rights offends her. And the parallel ſhe makes upon the occaſion, is beautiful. Readers ſee not half the greatneſs of Shakeſpeare, who overlook his minutiae.
In the ſame ſcene, the praiſe that Florizel beſtows on Perdita is equally fond and beautiful.
[113]To which ſhe replies, with very good ſenſe and prudence,
In anſwer to this, he ſays,
This is the true character of youth in the different ſexes: Sincerity on one ſide, and confidence on the other. Deceit and diffidence are the fruits of riper, or more rotten, years.
SCENE IX.
There is a reflection made here, which, if true, would be one of the heavieſt articles of affliction.
But I ſhall rather hope and believe, with the charming Perdita, in the faith and fidelity ſhe ex⯑preſſes in her reply:
SCENE XI.
There is a good ridicule, here, on the affectations of perſons of rank, in the deſcription of the man⯑ners by which the vulgar often diſtinguiſh their bet⯑ters—perhaps their ſuperiors only.
The old ſhepherd and his ſon, upon ſeeing Auto⯑licus, the ſharper, dreſſed up in a ſuit of the prince's cloaths, debate thus about him:
This cannot be but a great courtier.
His garments are rich, but he wears them not hand⯑ſomely.
He ſeems to be the more noble, in being fantaſtical. A great man, I'll warrant: I know by the picking of his teeth.
ACT V.
SCENE I.
There is a good remark made here, on the wrong timing of reproof, in the ſpeech of Cleo⯑mines to Paulina, upon her rough treatment of Leontes, on the ſubject of his misfortunes, when ſhe is diſſuading him from marrying.
SCENE V.
This Comedy is full of well-deſcribed character, and beautiful deſcription; but theſe not happening to fall within the ſcope I had preſcribed to myſelf in this work, I have reluctantly paſſed them by, without noting. However, there is one paſſage among them, which luckily affords me a proper ſubject of remark, in the account given of Leontes and Ca⯑millo, on their being certified of the preſervation of Perdita.
Beſeech you, Sir, were you preſent at this relation?
I was by at the opening of the fardel, and heard the old ſhepherd deliver the manner how he found it; whereupon, after a little amazedneſs, we were all commanded out of the cham⯑ber. Only this, methought I heard the ſhepherd ſay, he found the child.
I would moſt gladly know the iſſue of it.
I make a broken delivery of the buſineſs; but the changes I perceived in the king and Camillo, were very notes of admiration; they ſeemed almoſt, with ſtaring on one another, to tear the caſes of their eyes. There was a ſpeech in their dumbneſs, language in their very geſture; they looked, as they had heard of a world ranſomed, or one deſtroyed; a notable paſſion of wonder ap⯑peared in them; but the wiſeſt beholder, that knew no more but ſeeing, could not ſay if the importance were joy or ſorrow; but in the extremity of the one, it muſt needs be.
This deſcription not only contains the beautiful and the ſublime, but riſes to a ſtill higher ſublimity, or, to ſpeak in the ſtile of the Pſalmiſt, to the moſt [115] higheſt, in the alluſion to ſacred writ, relating to the two principal articles in the Old and New Teſta⯑ment, the fall of man, and his redemption. Shake⯑ſpeare makes frequent references to the ſacred text, and writes often, not only as a moraliſt, but as a divine.
Autolicus having by accident had ſome hand in bringing about the diſcovery of Perdita, which was a circumſtance that might have been ſuffi⯑cient to make another man's fortune, makes only this ſad ſoliloquy upon the occaſion: ‘Now, had I not the daſh of my former life in me, would preferment drop on my head. I brought the old man and his ſon aboard the Prince; told him I heard them talk of a fardel, and I know not what; but he at that time over-fond of the ſhepherd's daughter, ſo he then took her to be, who began to be much ſea-ſick, and himſelf little better, extremity of weather continuing, this myſtery remained undiſcovered. But 'tis all one to me; for had I been the finder out of this ſecret, it would not have reliſhed, among my other diſcredits.’
That honeſty is the beſt policy, is a homely proverb; but this only the more vouches the truth of it, by its having ſtood the teſt of all experience. Character is the immediate jewel of the ſoul, not only in its own worth, but even in the temporal advantages which frequently accrue from it. Loſt health may be re⯑paired, loſt fortune be regained, even loſt ſenſes may be recovered; but a forfeited character is rarely ever to be retrieved.
This is a theme which cannot be too largely or too frequently expatiated upon; which I hope will ſerve as my apology for having taken the hint from ſo mean and trifling an inſtance as the foregoing.
SCENE VI.
The old ſhepherd and his ſon having by the me⯑dium of the princeſs Perdita obtained into favour at Court, Autolicus aſks forgiveneſs of the Clown for the tricks he had played him. ‘I humbly beſeech you, Sir, to pardon me all the faults I have committed to your worſhip, and to give me your good report to the prince my maſter.’ [116] This requeſt is ſeconded by the old man, in words which deſcribe the proper character of that rank of life to which he had been juſt elevated.
Prithee, ſon, do; for we muſt be gentle, now we are gentlemen.
But 'tis pity that the conduct and behaviour of too many, in ſo reſpectable a claſs, ſhould afford cauſe for the ſevere ſarcaſm couched in the following words of the ſon:
Give me thy hand
—I will ſwear to the prince thou art as honeſt a true fellow as any is in Bohemia.
You may ſay it, but not ſwear it.
Not ſwear it, now I am a gentleman? Let boors and franklins * ſay it, I'll ſwear it.
How if it be falſe, ſon?
If it be ne'er ſo falſe, a true gentleman may ſwear it, on the behalf of his friend.
SCENE VII.
Paulina ſays to Leontes, on perceiving him to be ſtrongly affected on ſeeing Hermione repreſented ſo much to the life, as a ſuppoſed ſtatue:
To which he replies:
This is ſpoken with a true ſenſe of a propitia⯑tory and a contrite grief. A ſincere repentance is, indeed, an healing balm to the wounded conſcience; a cordial comfort to the ſoul.
TWELFTH NIGHT: OR, WHAT YOU WILL.
[]Dramatis Perſonae.
[]- DUKE of Illyria.
- SEBASTIAN, brother to Viola.
- ANTONIO, friend to Sebaſtian.
- VALENTINE, an attendant on the Duke.
- CLOWN, ſervant to Olivia.
- OLIVIA, beloved by the Duke.
- VIOLA, in love with the Duke.
Twelfth Night: or, What You Will.
[119]ACT I.
SCENE I.
THIS Play opens with a ſweet paſſage, in which the charms of muſic, and the nature of love, are beautifully deſcribed.
As I have hitherto obſerved upon Shakeſpeare's critical knowledge in human nature, I hope it will not appear invidious now, if I ſhould here remark upon his deficiency in a paſſage above—lines ſecond and third. The duke is there made to wiſh his paſ⯑ſion were extinct; which, I believe, the moſt unhappy lover never yet did. We wiſh to remove every un⯑eaſy ſenſation it afflicts us with, by any means what⯑ever; ſometimes even by death itſelf; but never by the extinction of the affection.
This is not peculiar to love alone; 'tis the ſame in all the tender feelings. We wiſh the object of our grief brought back again to life, but deſire not to forget our ſorrow. We wiſh to relieve the ſubjects of our pity, but would not be deprived of our com⯑paſſion. [120] Heaven hath ſo framed us, and Heaven be praiſed for having endowed and adorned us with ſuch ſweet compunctious viſitings of Nature! 'tis in theſe fea⯑tures only that we can reſemble our Maker. In the more heroic qualities of bravery and fortitude, can be traced no likeneſs of the Deity, becauſe ſuper⯑fluous in a perfect ſtate. The ſubject of love is touched upon again, twice, in the ſame Scene:
And when Valentine acquaints the Duke with Oli⯑via's vow of ſequeſtering herſelf from the world, for ſeven years, to mourn the death of her brother, he cries out in an extaſy,
I am happy that this latter paſſage happens to oc⯑cur ſo immediately after my remark above, as it affords me an opportunity of doing juſtice to Shake⯑ſpeare, by obſerving that his inference, from Olivia's grief, to the nature of her heart in love, ſhews a perfect knowledge in this ſpecies of philoſophy. The paſſions are divided into but two claſſes, the tender and the violent; and any one of either affords an earneſt of all others of the ſame kind.
His diſtinction, too, of the three thrones, the liver, brain, and heart, is admirable. Theſe are truly the ſeats of the three chief affections of love; the heart for paſſion, the mind for eſteem, and the liver for jealouſy; if Horace's anatomy is to be credited ‡.
SCENE XI.
[121]In the laſt ſpeech of this Act, Olivia ſpeaks in the uſual manner of all infatuated perſons, who are apt to make the Fates anſwerable for thoſe follies or vices which they have not ſenſe or virtue enough to extricate themſelves from, by their own exertions. For, upon a conſciouſneſs of having too weakly be⯑trayed her paſſion for Viola, appearing under the cha⯑racter of a cavalier, ſhe acquieſces in her indiſcre⯑tion, by ſaying,
She repeats the ſame idle apology for herſelf, again, in the ſecond Scene of the next Act:
ACT II. SCENE VI.
There are ſome good rules and reflections here, upon that principal and intereſting event of life, our marriage, which are well worth attending to; as the natural conſequences of an improper aſſortment, in that ſtate, have been too ſtrongly marked by the ge⯑neral experience of the world.
ACT III.
SCENE I.
There is a ſlight ſtroke thrown out here, againſt an affected refinement on common ſpeech; which however I ſhall lay hold of, as one ſhould animad⯑vert upon every ſpecies of pedantry, which is an incumbrance to literature, and caſts a damp upon all free and liberal converſation.
My lady is within, Sir; I will conſtrue to her whence you came; who you are, and what you would, is out of my welkin. I might ſay element, but the word is overworn.
SCENE XIV.
There is a moſt delicate ſenſibility expreſſed by a perſon here, in his reproach to one whom, by a ſimi⯑larity of appearances, he had miſtaken for a friend on whom he had formerly conferred obligations, which he ſeemed then to have forgotten.
To which the innocent and miſtaken Viola replies, with a becoming ſpirit of conſcious virtue,
There is an antient adage, which ſays, that the ſin of ingratitude includes every vice *. It renders us un⯑worthy [123] of all the goods and enjoyments of life, even of our very exiſtence; for we owe them all to favour and benevolence. Religion and virtue are, therefore, but barely the acknowledging a debt, which muſt ever remain undiſcharged.
All the moral I have been able to extract from this Piece, concludes in this Scene, with a poſition which it were devoutly to be wiſhed had as much truth in phyſics, as it has in philoſophy: That the outward form is but the viſible ſign of the internal mind.
I ſhall here give a quotation from a modern dra⯑matic poem of diſtinguiſhed merit, as the paſſage relates ſo immediately to the ſubject above laſt mentioned.
THE MERRY WIVES OF WINDSOR.
[]Dramatis Perſonae.
[]- SIR JOHN FALSTAFF.
- MR. FORD.
- FENTON, in love with Anne Page.
- ANNE PAGE, in love with FENTON.
The Merry Wives of Windſor.
[127]THIS is one of the beſt acting Comedies of Shake⯑ſpeare, and is replete with character, humour, and incident; but ſupplies very little toward the pur⯑poſe of this Work. However, whatever there is, has a right to claſs with the reſt; ſo I ſhall proceed to take it in its courſe.
ACT II.
SCENE I.
Upon Mrs. Page's reading Falſtaff's Love-letter to her, ſhe makes the following reflection: ‘What unweighed behaviour hath this Flemiſh drunkard pickt, i' th' Devil's name, out of my converſation, that he dares in this manner eſſay me? Why, he hath not been thrice in my company— What ſhould I ſay to him? I was then frugal of my mirth."’
And in the next Scene, on communicating this adventure to Mrs. Ford, ſhe recurs to the ſame thought again.
This is a very natural ſentiment for a delicate mind to conceive, upon meeting with an affront of this ſort; and 'tis extremely proper, upon all ſuch occa⯑ſions, to enter into ſuch a ſelf-examination, by way of inquiring what part of our own conduct, or unweighed behaviour, as ſhe expreſſes it, might have encouraged the offence; and upon an impartial ſcrutiny we ſhall generally find, that 'tis more our indiſcretion than our charms which prompts the attack.
SCENE IX.
To preſerve a charity in cenſure, from a conſci⯑ouſneſs of our own frailties, is very properly re⯑commended [128] here, though ſpoken in a feigned cha⯑racter.
I ſhall diſcover a thing to you, wherein I muſt very much lay open mine own imperfections; b [...]t, good Sir John, as you have one eye upon my follies, as you hear them unfolded, turn another into the regiſter of your own, that I may paſs with a reproof the eaſier; fith you yourſelf know how eaſy it is to be an offender.
The vice and folly of unlawful love are well ex⯑poſed by an excellent alluſion, in the ſame Scene:
Of what quality was your love, then?
Like a fair houſe built upon another man's ground; ſo that I have loſt my edifice, by miſtaking the place where I have erected it.
ACT III.
SCENE XII.
Where Fenton tells Anne Page her father's objec⯑tions to him for his ſon-in-law, he gives a juſt de⯑ſcription and character of thoſe ſpendthrift men of quality, who go into the City to look for wives to repair their broken fortunes.
SCENE XIII.
Anne Page lamenting her father's tyranny, in condemning her to marry a man ſhe deteſted on ac⯑count of his fortune, ſays,
ACT V.
SCENE IV.
There was ſomething very pleaſing and advan⯑tageous to morals in the antient ſuperſtition which [129] ſuppoſed the actions of men to have been under the immediate cognizance of certain ſuperior Beings, who uſed to diſtribute rewards and puniſhments on the inſtant.
Evans, perſonating the King of the Fairies:
The metaphorical expoſition of this fable, is, I believe, and kindly hope too, moſt fully experienced by the difference of ſlumbers between an approving and an upbraiding mind. An evil conſcience is a ſhrew, and gives moſt ſhocking curtain lectures.
SCENE V.
There is a very good reflection made here, upon the nature of fear or guilt being apt to confound our reaſon and ſenſes, ſo as to lead us to miſtake appearances for realities.
Falſtaff, upon the mockery of the Fairies being diſcovered to him, ſays, ‘And theſe are not Fairies? I was three or four times in the thought they were not Fairies; and yet the guiltineſs of my mind, with the ſudden ſurpriſe of my powers, drove the groſſneſs of the foppery into a received belief, in deſpite of the teeth of all rhime and reaſon, that they were Fairies. See now, how wit may be made a Jack-a- [...]t, when 'tis upon ill employment!’
THE TAMING OF THE SHREW.
[]Dramatis Perſonae.
[]- VINCENTIO, Father of Lucentio.
- LUCENTIO, in love with Bianca.
- PETRUCHIO, a ſuitor to Catharine.
- HORTENSIO, Rivals, in love with Bianca.
- GREMIO, Rivals, in love with Bianca.
- TRANIO, ſervant to Lucentio.
- CATHARINE, a ſhrew.
- BIANCA, her ſiſter.
- Milliner.
- Mantua-maker.
The Taming of the Shrew.
[133]AS the buſineſs of this Play, declared by the title of it, is, I fear, a work rather of diſcipline than of precept, we are to expect but few helps from it toward the enrichment of this collection. There are as many receipts for effecting this purpoſe, as there are preſcriptions for a tooth-ach; and for the ſame reaſon, becauſe none of them anſwer the end, but the getting rid of it; for the old proverb ſtill ſtands bluff againſt all ſuch documents, that Every man can cure a ſcold, but he who has her.
THE INTRODUCTION. SCENE III.
Among the preparations which are making, in order to deceive the drunken Tinker into the notion of his having been a mad Lord juſt recovering his ſenſes, ſome Strollers are introduced to perform a Play for his entertainment; and the Actors meaning to exhibit one of the old religious Farces, ſtiled the Myſteries, upon enumerating the properties neceſſary toward the repreſentation, aſk for ‘a little vinegar to make their Devil roar.’ Upon which paſſage Dr. Warburton gives the following note:
‘When the acting the Myſteries of the Old and New Teſtament was in vogue, at the repreſentation of the Myſtery of the Paſſion, Judas and the Devil made a part. And the Devil, wherever he came, was always to ſuffer ſome diſgrace, to make the people laugh; as here the buffoonery was to apply the gall and vinegar, to make him roar. And the Paſſion being that, of all the Myſteries, which was moſt frequently repreſented, vinegar became at length the ſtanding implement to torment the [134] Devil, and uſed for this purpoſe even after the Myſteries ceaſed and the Moralities * came in vogue; where the Devil ſtill continued to bear a conſider⯑able part. The mention of it here, was deſigned to ridicule ſo abſurd a circumſtance in theſe old Farces.’
The giving ſuch theatrical repreſentations of Sa⯑cred Writ, was rather ſomething more than barely abſurd; it was extremely profane: but the device of tormenting the Devil with gall and vinegar, had a myſtic conceit in it; being certainly intended by the authors of theſe exhibitions, as an alluſion to a cir⯑cumſtance in the Paſſion, mentioned by St. Matthew, where he ſays, they gave him vinegar to drink, mingled with gall. Chap. xxvii. ver. 34. And as the ſufferings on the Croſs were undergone for our redemption from ſin, the prieſts, who were the contrivers of this ſtrange and improper ſpecies of drama, might have intended this particular to ſhew the diſtreſs of the Devil upon that occaſion.
ACT I.
SCENE I.
The proper uſe and choice of travel and ſtudy, of ſuch ſort of travel and ſtudy as rendered ſo many men eminent among the Antients, are well treated of here.
The following reply adds a more liberal ſcope to the uſes of ſtudy and travel:
SCENE III.
A truth is here ſpoken, which is too frequently evinced by the general practice of the ſelf-intereſted, or, more properly ſpeaking, avaricious world; where Gremio and Hortenſio are conferring together about providing a huſband for Catharine, as the younger ſiſter is not to be married till the elder is diſpoſed of.
Think'ſt thou, Hortenſio, though her father be very rich, any man is ſo very a fool to be married to hell?
Tuſh, Gremio; though it paſs your patience and mine to endure her loud alarms, why, man, there be good fellows [136] in the world, an a man could light on them, would take her with all her faults, and money enough.
SCENE IV.
Love conceived at firſt ſight, is the ſubject of moſt Romances; and the philoſophy of theſe Northern climes looks for it only there; but if we conſult the volume of Nature more at large, we ſhall find that ſuch extempore paſſions are not infrequent in the more Southern regions of the world: and the clear and warm air of Italy communicates a briſker motion to the heart and ſpirits, than our natural phlegm can poſſibly be ſenſible of.
Tranio, upon perceiving the emotion of Lucentio, on his firſt view of Bianca, ſays to him,
Tranio replies, very judiciouſly,
ACT II. SCENE II.
Mildneſs oppoſed to violence, with regard to their different effects upon the paſſions and affections of the mind, is juſtly illuſtrated here, by the following ſimile:
ACT IV. SCENE VIII.
[137]Among the various methods that Petruchio makes uſe of, after his marriage with Catharine, to tame her ſpirit, the following paſſage preſents us with one, which the ſatiriſts of our ſex will be apt to ſay was a ſevere teſt of female temper.
[138]Upon this paſſage, Doctor Warburton has paſſed the following ſtricture:
‘Shakeſpeare has here copied Nature with great ſkill. Petruchio, by frightening, ſtarving, and over-watching his wife, had tamed her into gen⯑tleneſs and ſubmiſſion; and the audience expects to hear no more of the ſhrew; when, on her being croſſed in the article of faſhion and finery, the moſt inveterate folly of the ſex, ſhe flies out again, though for the laſt time, into all the intem⯑perate rage of her character.’
This is being ſevere on our ſex at a very cheap rate, indeed; foibles, paſſions, and inconſiderable at⯑tachments, are equally common to all mankind, without diſtinction of gender; and the difference of objects gives no ſort of advantage to men, over us; as all eager purſuits, except thoſe of virtue, are alike ridiculous and unimportant, in the candid and impartial eſtimation of reaſon and philoſophy: ‘"Another Florio doating on a flower." YOUNG.’
Petruchio having gained a conqueſt in this material point, proceeds to dreſs her and himſelf in poor at⯑tire, and propoſes that they ſhould go pay a viſit to her family in ſuch mean garments; upon which oc⯑caſion he expreſſes a ſentiment ſo juſt in itſelf, that it betrays a ſad corruption in the morals of man⯑kind, that experience cannot ſupport it.
ACT V. SCENE V.
[139]After Catharine has been thoroughly reclaimed, ſhe takes an occaſion, from a circumſtance in the Play, of reproving another married woman, in an admirable ſpeech; wherein the deſcription of a way⯑ward wife, with the duty and ſubmiſſion which ought to be ſhewn to a huſband, are finely ſet forth.
I have ſtopped ſhort here, as thinking that the following lines might have marred the whole beauty of the ſpeech; the doctrine of paſſive obedience and non-reſiſtance in the ſtate of marriage, being there carried, perhaps, rather a little too far. But I ſhall quote them here, as they afford me an opportunity of remarking on the nature of too prompt reformees, who are apt to run into the very contrary extreme, at once; betraying more of the time-ſerver, than the convert.
But, in general, indeed, it has been obſerved, that the moſt haughty tyrants become, on a reverſe of fortune, the moſt abject ſlaves; and this from a like principle, in both caſes; that they are apt to im⯑pute the ſame ſpirit of deſpotiſm to the conqueror, they were before impreſt with themſelves; and con⯑ſequently, are brought to tremble at the apprehenſion of their own vice.
The lines I allude to, are theſe:
THE COMEDY OF ERRORS.
[]Dramatis Perſonae.
[]- ANTIPHOLIS.
- BALTHAZAR.
- An Abbeſs.
- ADRIANA, wife to Antipholis.
- LUCIANA, her Siſter.
THE COMEDY of ERRORS.
[143]ACT II. SCENE I.
THE firſt paſſage that I find worthy of being noted, in this Play, happens to be a repeti⯑tion of the ſame moral which concluded my remarks on the laſt piece; but as this hint cannot be too often repeated, I ſhall ſupply the quotation, though it may be needleſs to make any further obſervations upon the ſubject.
In the continuation of the ſame dialogue, where Luciana preaches patience to her ſiſter, Adriana points out to her, very naturally, the great differ⯑ence between giving and taking of advice.
ACT III. SCENE I.
In a paſſage here, there is a ſentiment of great propriety and delicacy argued upon; in the diſſuad⯑ing a perſon from the commiſſion of an unſeemly action, even though the thing itſelf might be ſuf⯑ficiently juſtified in one's own breaſt. A reſpect to decency, and the opinion of the world, is an excellent bulwark to our virtues.
When Antipholis, upon being denied admittance into his houſe from a miſtake in his wife and do⯑meſtics, is in reſentment preparing to force open the door, his friend intreats his forbearance in the following words:
Prior ſpeaks very refinedly on the ſame nice ſubject:
ACT V. SCENE II.
There are ſome excellent documents for wives, laid down in this place, upon the following occa⯑ſion:
Antipholis, in this Comedy of Errors, being ſup⯑poſed to be out of his ſenſes, takes ſanctuary in a Priory to ſcreen himſelf from Adriana and her friends, who attempt to ſeize him; and the Abbeſs, coming forth to forbid their entrance, firſt artfully draws a confeſſion from Adriana of her manners and conduct toward her huſband, upon her having con⯑ceived ſome jealouſy of him; and then proceeds to infer the cauſe of his diſtraction from her beha⯑viour.
MUCH ADO ABOUT NOTHING.
[]Dramatis Perſonae.
[]- LEONATO, Governor of Meſſina.
- ANTONIO, his brother.
- DON PEDRO, Prince of Arragon.
- CLAUDIO, his friend.
- DON JOHN, baſtard brother to Don Pedro.
- CONRADE, his friend.
- BENEDICK, a young lord, a marriage-hater.
- A FRIAR.
- A MESSENGER.
- HERO, daughter to Leonato.
- BEATRICE, niece to Leonato.
Much Ado About Nothing.
[149]ACT I. SCENE I.
A Meſſenger from the camp telling Leonato of his having given an account of the gallant be⯑haviour of Claudio to his uncle, ſays, ‘I have already delivered him letters, and there appears much joy in him—even ſo much, that joy could not ſhew itſelf modeſt enough, without a badge of bitterneſs.’
Upon this paſſage Doctor Warburton has given a note ſo full and ingenious, that it would be pre⯑ſumption in me to offer my comment on it, in any other ſenſe or words than his own.
‘This is judiciouſly expreſſed.—Of all the tranſ⯑ports of joy, that which is attended with tears, is the leaſt offenſive; becauſe, carrying with it this mark of pain, it allays the envy that uſually at⯑tends another's happineſs. This he finely calls a modeſt joy; ſuch a one as did not inſult the ob⯑ſerver, by an indication of happineſs unmixed with pain.’
ACT II.
SCENE I.
Phyſiognomiſts ſay, that the features of the mind uſually mark their impreſſions on the countenance. A mirthful or melancholy aſpect, a wanton or mali⯑cious one; in fine, every characteriſtic trait of vi⯑ſage throughout, denote their correſpondent paſſions or affections in the ſoul. Socrates acknowledged the certainty of this ſcience, by confeſſing a deſcription of himſelf to be true, as to his nature, though falſe, regarding his character.
According to this piece of philoſophy, a perſon of a ſevere and ſaturnine complexion is humorouſly de⯑ſcribed in this place.
How tartly that gentleman looks! I never can ſee him, but I am heart-burned an hour after.
From hence this lively girl proceeds to draw a contraſt between him and another perſon, of a con⯑trary diſpoſition, very juſtly cenſuring both of the extremes: ‘He were an excellent man that were made juſt in the mid-way between him and Benedick; the one is too like an image, and ſays nothing; and the other, too much like my lady's eldeſt ſon, ever⯑more tattling.’
SCENE III.
The abſolute dominion which love is found to uſurp, not only over our paſſions, but our very principles, is too juſtly deſcribed in a paſſage here; which may lead one to pronounce, that neither man or woman can truly boaſt a friend, whom they have not had an occaſion of firſt trying as a rival.
SCENE V.
The effect of ſtrong paſſion in the prevention of utterance, is well expreſſed here:
Silence is the perfecteſt herald of joy—I were but little happy, if I could ſay how much.
SCENE VIII.
The total metamorphoſis of character, manners, and diſpoſition, wrought in us by love, is well de⯑ſcribed in a ſpeech in this Scene:
I do much wonder, that one man ſeeing how much an⯑other man is a fool, when he dedicates his behaviour to love, will, after he hath laughed at ſuch ſhallow follies in others, become the argument of his own ſcorn, by falling himſelf in love! And ſuch a man is Claudio. I have known when there was no muſic with him, but the drum and the fife; and now had he rather hear the tabor [151] and the pipe. I have known when he would have walked ten miles a foot, to ſee a good armour; and now will he lye ten nights awake, carving the faſhion of a new doublet. He was wont to ſpeak plain, and to the purpoſe, like an honeſt man, and a ſoldier; and now is he turned orthographer; his words are a very fantaſtical banquet, juſt ſo many ſtrange diſhes.
From theſe reflections, Benedick goes on holding a debate with himſelf upon this ſubject; and, like moſt people, before their hearts have become a party in the matter, draws a vain portrait of the peerleſs para⯑gon who only can be capable of triumphing over his affections; leaving nothing, in the choice of his miſtreſs, to Heaven itſelf, except the colour of her hair.
SCENE IX.
Modeſty is as ſure an attendant on Merit, as its companion, as Envy is, as its ſhade *.
In the ſame Scene, Don Pedro, ſpeaking of Be⯑nedick, ſays, ‘The man doth fear God, howſoever it ſeems not in him, by ſome large jeſts he will make.’
This is too common a character in life; of perſons who ſcoff at religion with as much fear and trem⯑bling, as would be ſufficient to work out their ſalvation. The whole of infidelity is owing to a fool-hardy diſ⯑poſition [152] of this ſort. The ſtrongeſt Deiſts are but Sceptics; and the Atheiſt, no more than a Deiſt in reality; nay often, as Pope humorouſly expreſſes it on another occaſion, ‘"May be a ſad good Chriſtian in his heart."’
SCENE X.
The ſcheme for inducing Benedick and Beatrice to fall in love with each other, which is commenced with him in the preceding Scene, and concluded with her in the firſt one of the Third Act, is moſt admirably laid. The ſureſt method that artifice can contrive to inſpire a paſſion in any one, is by giving them a notion of the other party's predilection for them; for, as Hero ſays to Urſula, in the plot on Beatrice,
And again,
When every other circumſtance of years, of rank, and fortune happens to be on a par, ſuch arts may, perhaps, be allowed to paſs under the title of pious frauds, at leaſt; for gratitude is a good cement of af⯑fections, as it ſerves to confirm paſſion by principle.
The readineſs with which we are apt to run into the ſnare ourſelves, with the kind of logic we uſe in order to make a ſudden reſolve appear a deliberate pur⯑poſe, may be ſeen diſplayed in the ſoliloquy of Bene⯑dick, juſt after Don Pedro, Claudio, and Leonato, had played off their part againſt him, as ſuppoſing him not to be within hearing.
[153]Benedick, advancing from the arbour, ‘This can be no trick, the conference was ſadly * borne. They have the truth of this, from Hero; they ſeem to pity the lady; it ſeems her affections have the full bent. Love me! Why, it muſt be requited—I hear how I am cenſured; they ſay, I will bear myſelf proudly, if I perceive the love to come from her; they ſay too, that ſhe will rather die than give any ſign of affection.—I did never think to marry—I muſt not ſeem proud—happy are they that hear their detractions, and can put them to mending. They ſay the lady is fair; 'tis a truth, I can bear them witneſs—And virtuous—'Tis ſo, I cannot reprove it—And wiſe—but for loving me—By my troth, it is no addition to her wit—nor no great argument of her folly, neither; for I will be horribly in love with her—I may chance to have ſome odd quirks and remnants of wit broken on me, be⯑cauſe I have railed ſo long againſt marriage; but doth not the ap⯑petite alter? A man loves the meat in his youth, that he cannot endure in his age. Shall quips and ſentences, theſe paper bullets of the brain, awe a man from the career of his humour? No— the world muſt be peopled—When I ſaid I would die a bachelor, I did not think I ſhould live 'till I were married. Here comes Beatrice! By this day, ſhe's a fair lady—I do ſpy ſome marks of love in her.’
The ſpeech of Beatrice, alſo, in the firſt Scene of the Third Act, has a right to take place here, though ſomewhat before its time, as a companion to the preceding.
Beatrice, advancing, after Hero and Urſula had quitted the Scene:
ACT III. SCENE I.
A moſt unamiable character of pride and ſelf⯑conceit is given in this place, which falls very pro⯑perly [154] within the moral tendency of theſe notes to expoſe to view; though it is only ſpoken in conſe⯑quence of the plot againſt Beatrice.
The ſame character is continued in the ſame Scene, with the addition of a ſatirical vein, which is ex⯑tremely well and humorouſly deſcribed:
Hero, in the ſame Scene, pretending to lay a ſcheme with Urſula, for curing Benedick of his ſuppoſed paſſion for Beatrice, while ſhe is liſtening, ſays,
The ſucceſs of ſuch a wicked device I have al⯑ready remarked on, in a paſſage of the Two Gentle⯑men of Verona, Act Third, and Scene Fifth.
[155]and I ſhall, therefore, make no further note on the ſubject here.
I have not been ſo much an oeconomiſt, in other places, where the recurring of ſimilar topics af⯑forded me opportunities of ſaving myſelf trouble, by references; but this one is ſo very irkſome a theme, that it diſguſts me to dwell upon it for a moment; for which reaſon, ſhould I happen to meet with it again, in the courſe of this Work, I ſhall paſs it by unnoticed for the future.
ACT IV.
SCENE II.
Hero, being falſely accuſed of an act of diſho⯑nour, is examined before her father, her lover, and a Friar, with other friends, who had all met together in a convent to attend her nuptials; and the bitter⯑neſs of a parent's anguiſh and reſentment on ſo trying an occaſion, is moſt feelingly expreſſed in the fol⯑lowing ſpeech:
[156]Upon this occaſion, the good Friar, with that charity and humanity which ſo well become the ſacred office of Prieſthood, and from that obſerva⯑tion which his long experience in the buſineſs of auricular confeſſion had enabled him to form, ſtands forth an advocate for Hero's innocence, in the fol⯑lowing poetical and philoſophical oration:
But, a little after, this good caſuiſt aſks her ſud⯑denly this trying queſtion: ‘Lady, what man is he you are accuſed of?’ Upon which paſſage Doctor Warburton makes the following judicious remark:
‘The Friar had juſt before boaſted his great ſkill in ſifting out the truth; and indeed, he ap⯑pears, in this inſtance, to have been no fool. He was by, all the while at the accuſation, and heard no names mentioned. Why, then, ſhould he aſk her what man ſhe was accuſed of? But in this lay the ſubtilty of his examination. For, had Hero been guilty, it was very probable that, in the hurry and confuſion of ſpirits into which the terrible inſult of her lover had thrown her, ſhe [159] would never have obſerved that the man's name was not mentioned; and ſo, on this queſtion, might have betrayed herſelf, by naming the per⯑ſon ſhe was conſcious of an affair with. The Friar obſerved this, and ſo concluded, that, were ſhe guilty, ſhe would probably have fallen into the trap he had laid for her. I only take notice of this, to ſhew how admirably well Shakeſpeare knew how to ſuſtain his characters.’
But this noble defence for the unhappy Hero, not being ſufficient to obviate the ſtrong impreſſions of her guilt, which the father had conceived againſt her, the honeſt Prieſt then goes on to propoſe a ſcheme of conduct to him, which might peradven⯑ture bring about ſome criſis or event, that would clear her innocence; at leaſt ſilence the infamy, and remove her from being any longer an object of ob⯑loquy. In this propoſal there is ſhewn a juſt knowledge of the world, and an intimate acquaintance with the ſecret movements of the human heart.
To this innocent deception the father at length conſents, expreſſing himſelf, at the ſame time, in a manner that every perſon's experience, who has ever had the misfortune to have been in ſuch ſituations, muſt have felt the juſtneſs of.
Doctor Johnſon's note upon this paſſage, is worthy of being quoted here:
‘This is one of our Author's obſervations upon life. Men overpowered with diſtreſs, eagerly liſten to the firſt offers of relief, cloſe with every ſcheme, and believe every promiſe. He that has no longer any confidence in himſelf, is glad to repoſe his truſt in any other that will undertake to guide him.’
SCENE III.
[159]Beatrice, in ſpiriting up Benedick to avenge her couſin Hero's quarrel, thus expreſſes her reſentment againſt the offender: ‘Is he not approved in the height a villain, that hath ſlander'd, ſcorn'd, diſhonour'd my kinſwoman! O, that I were a man! What! bear her in hand until they come to take hands, and then with public accuſation, uncover'd ſlander, unmitigated rancour— O God, that I were a man! I would eat his heart in the market-place. O that I were a man for his ſake! or, that I had any friend would be a man for my ſake! But manhood is melted into courteſies, valour into compliment, and men are only turned into tongue, and trim ones too—He is now as valiant as Hercules, that only tells a lie, and ſwears to it—I cannot be a man with wiſhing, there⯑fore I will die a woman with grieving.’
There is a generous warmth of indignation in this ſpeech, which muſt certainly impreſs a female reader with the ſame ſentiments upon ſuch an occaſion. I am not ſo diſingenuous to take advantage of this paſſage as an hiſtorical fact, but am willing to reſt it upon the ſole authority of the Poet's aſſumption, as this will ſufficiently anſwer the deſign of my intro⯑ducing it; which is, to vindicate my ſex from the general, but unjuſt charge of being prone to ſlander; for were this the caſe, were not the reſentment of Beatrice, in this inſtance, natural, how could it move our ſympathy? which it actually does here, even though we acknowledge the circumſtance to have been merely imaginary.
I believe, that there is nothing which a woman of virtue feels herſelf more offended at, than defama⯑tion or ſcandal; firſt againſt her own character, and proportionably when others are made the victims. There are women, indeed, who may be fond of flander, as having an intereſt in depreciating an idea of chaſtity; but this is owing to their frailty, not their ſex—Vice is neither maſculine, nor feminine; 'tis the common of two.
ACT V.
[160]SCENE I.
While the above-mentioned experiment was de⯑pending, and before the honour of Hero had been cleared, Antonio, her uncle, endeavours to com⯑fort his brother under this misfortune; who replies to him in a manner very natural for a perſon la⯑bouring under the immediate preſſure of affliction, to ſpeak to all adviſers who do not ſuffer the ſame portion of grief themſelves.
SCENE II.
Upon the two brothers meeting Claudio ſoon after, the father challenges him to ſingle combat, for the ſcandal he had thrown upon his daughter's fame; which being paſſed off in a ſort of contemp⯑tuous manner, the reſentment of the younger bro⯑ther is rouſed, and he immediately ſteps between and takes the quarrel upon himſelf, retorting the affront by a juſt deſcription of the bragging profligates of thoſe, or, indeed, of any times. Horatio's taunt to Lothario * ſeems to have been borrowed from this paſſage.
As I commenced my remarks on this Play with a note of Doctor Warburton's, I ſhall conclude them, alſo, with another very judicious obſervation of the ſame critic upon this laſt paſſage:
‘This brother Anthony is the trueſt picture ima⯑ginable of human nature. He had aſſumed the character of a Sage, to comfort his brother o'er⯑whelmed with grief for his only daughter's affront and diſhonour; and had ſeverely reproved him for not commanding his paſſion better, on ſo try⯑ing an occaſion. Yet, immediately after this, no ſooner does he begin to ſuſpect that his age and valour are ſlighted, but he falls into the moſt in⯑temperate fit of rage himſelf; and all his brother can ſay, or do, is not of power to pacify him. This is copying Nature with a penetration and exactneſs of judgment peculiar to Shakeſpeare. As to the expreſſion, too, of his paſſion, nothing can be more highly painted.’
ALL's WELL THAT ENDS WELL.
[]Dramatis Perſonae.
[]- KING of France.
- BERTRAM, Count of Rouſillon.
- LAFEU, an old Lord.
- PAROLLES, a Paraſite and Coward, attendant on Bertram.
- A Lord.
- A Steward.
- COUNTESS of Rouſillon, Mother to Bertram.
- HELENA, her Ward, Daughter to a famous Phyſi⯑cian, long ſince dead.
All's Well That Ends Well.
[165]ACT I.
SCENE I.
THE Counteſs of Rouſillon ſpeaking of Helena, her Ward, ſays, ‘I have thoſe hopes of her good, that her education promiſes her; diſpoſition ſhe inherits, which makes fair gifts fairer; for where an unclean mind carries virtuous qualities, there commendations go with pity; they are virtues and traitors too; in her they are the better for her ſimpleneſs; ſhe derives her honeſty, and achieves her goodneſs.’
The Commentators are not agreed in opinion upon the verbal ſenſe of this paſſage—but no matter; I ſhall leave their criticiſm undecided, and proceed to the moral interpretation of it; which is, that a derived virtue, which implies a natural good diſpo⯑ſition, affords conſiderable aſſiſtance to a good edu⯑cation; that accompliſhments, without ſuch a foun⯑dation, are a diſadvantage to the poſſeſſors, as but tending to their condemnation and reproach; that the innocence and ſimplicity of Helena's mind and heart made uſe of no arts, but left her talents to the natural effect of their own operations; and that though a good diſpoſition may be inherited, virtues muſt be purchaſed.
In the ſame Scene, when Bertram comes to take leave of his mother, in order to attend the king, ſhe gives him her bleſſing in a moſt pathetic manner, and the moſt effectual too, where the ſeeds of virtue are, by ſetting his noble father before him as a pat⯑tern. To this ſhe likewiſe adds ſome precepts for the conduct of his life, which would have done honour to the firſt Sages of Aegypt, Greece, or Rome.
SCENE II.
Frequent deſcriptions of love recur in almoſt every one of Shakeſpeare's Plays. The enamoured Helena ſpeaks very affectingly on this ſubject here; firſt, by reproving the vain ambition of her paſſion for Bertram, a young nobleman ſo far above her hopes, and then proceeding, notwithſtanding, though very naturally, to give an account of the fond in⯑dulgencies with which ſhe ſtill nouriſhes her flame.
The preferences which worthleſs people, flatterers and paraſites, too often gain by addreſs and com⯑pliances, before perſons of unſupple merit and virtue, are well ſet forth in this place.
Helena, ſpeaking of Parolles, ſays,
SCENE IV.
There are ſome excellent well-ſpirited reflections here thrown out, to encourage men in the exertion of all their active faculties towards the advancement of their fortunes; and to earn their independance by the manly means of induſtry, inſtead of poorly crouching at the gates of Providence, whining for an alms.
Helena, upon her reſolving to undertake the cure of the king's diſorder, in hopes through that means to raiſe her rank and fortune to a reſpect not un⯑worthy of Bertram, ſays,
SCENE V.
There is a moſt beautiful character given here, of a gallant ſoldier and virtuous courtier, in the de⯑ſcription of Bertram's deceaſed father; with ſome juſt ſtrictures on the deficiency of theſe qualities, in the ſucceeding generation; which being the prin⯑cipal parts of the ſpeech, I have firſt noted in it; but as there is alſo a charming mixture of the old [168] man and the old friend, in the reſt of it, I ſhall here give the whole together.
[169]The ſelf-interruptions in the above ſpeech, how ad⯑mirably are they in the uſual ſtile of a narrative old man! What age, what ſex, what character, ſtation, or office of life, eſcapes the touches of Shakeſpeare's plaſtic hand!
SCENE VI.
The diffidence which every one ſhould manifeſt, reſpecting their own merits, is well recommended in the following paſſage.
The ſteward, ſpeaking to the Counteſs: ‘Madam, the care I have had to even * your content, I wiſh might be rather found in the calendar of my paſt endeavours; for then we wound our modeſty, and make foul the cleanneſs of our deſerv⯑ings, when of ourſelves we publiſh them.’
ACT II.
SCENE VI.
There are a number of moral and philoſophic thoughts on worth and virtue, and on the ſevere laws which the pride and vanity of mankind have eſta⯑bliſhed againſt their own happineſs and enjoyments†, delivered here, on the occaſion of Bertram's declining a marriage with Helena, who had confeſſed her love for him to the king, becauſe the happened to have neither birth or means to intitle her to the honour of his alliance.
SCENE VII.
When Lafeu has quitted the ſcene, after having bullied and abuſed Parolles, the latter being left alone, makes this ſoliloquy:
Well, thou haſt a ſon that ſhall take this diſgrace of me; ſcurvy, old, filthy lord! Well—I muſt be patient; there is no fettering of authority. I'll beat him, by my life, if I can meet him with any convenience, an he were double and double a lord. I'll have no more pity of his age, than I would have of—I'll beat him, an if I could but meet him again.
Upon this paſſage Doctor Warburton takes oc⯑caſion to pay the following juſt compliment to our Author:
‘This the Poet makes Parolles to ſpeak alone; and this is nature. A coward would endeavour to hide his poltroonery even from himſelf. An or⯑dinary writer would have been glad of ſuch an op⯑portunity to bring him to a confeſſion.’
ACT III. SCENE IV.
When Bertram, whom the king had compelled to eſpouſe Helena, flies from France to avoid any far⯑ther connection with her, and had engaged in the Tuſcan war, her mourning and reflections upon that occaſion, are extremely moving and tender; particu⯑larly in her manner of accuſing herſelf with having been the cauſe of all his perils.
ACT IV. SCENE III.
I ſhall conclude theſe obſervations with a reflection made in this place on the mixed character of hu⯑man nature in general, in which virtue and vice are often ſo balanced or blended, as to prevent perfec⯑tion on one hand, and total depravation on the other.
The web of our life is of a mingled yarn, good and ill together. Our virtues would be proud, if our faults whipped them not; and our crimes would deſpair, if they were not cheriſhed by our virtues.
POSTSCRIPT.
I have here finiſhed my notes upon all the Come⯑dies of Shakeſpeare, and hope that the indulgent Reader will be ſo kind as to diſmiſs me in this part of my work, with a favourable application of the laſt title, or, All's well that ends well.
[172]Perhaps I may not be allowed the diſtinction of Comedies, as referred to the fourteen foregoing Plays; as the ſhipwreck in the Tempeſt, Antigonus being devoured by a bear, and the Prince dying of grief, in the Winter's Tale, &c. are not very comic circum⯑ſtances; but this is the diviſion that is generally made of our author's drama; though, ſtrictly ſpeak⯑ing, his Plays cannot properly be ſtiled either Tra⯑gedies or Comedies, but are, in truth, a more natu⯑ral ſpecies of compoſition than either.
KING JOHN.
[]Dramatis Perſonae.
[]- KING JOHN.
- PHILIP, King of France.
- ARTHUR, Nephew to King John.
- LEWIS, the Dauphin.
- CARDINAL PANDULPHO, the Pope's Legate.
- SALISBURY, an Engliſh Lord.
- FAULCONBRIDGE, baſtard ſon to Richard the Firſt.
- HUBERT, lieutenant of the Tower.
- CONSTANCE, Mother to Arthur.
KING JOHN.
[175]ACT II.
SCENE VI.
THE following ſpeech, though delivered with an air of levity, and expreſſed in humorous words and images, ſupplies occaſion for three very juſt reflections. The firſt, That ſelf intereſt, in the mere worldly ſenſe of the term, is the ruling prin⯑ciple of mankind. Secondly, That men are too apt to inveigh againſt corruption, more from the being void of temptation themſelves, than their being free from this vice; and, laſtly, That bad examples in the ſuperior ranks of life, have a dangerous tendency to injure the morals of the inferior claſſes of a people.
Upon a peace being made between the kings of England and France, in which the right of Arthur to the Britiſh throne is betrayed on the one hand, and but poorly compenſated on the other, Faulcon⯑bridge makes this ſoliloquy:
The aſtoniſhment of Conſtance, on hearing that her ſon's intereſts are ſacrificed to the league, with the doubts which we are naturally inclined to con⯑ceive of the truth of ſudden ill news, and the weak ſtate of mind and ſpirits to which perſons in misfor⯑tune, eſpecially helpleſs women, are generally re⯑duced, are all finely painted and deſcribed in the fol⯑lowing ſpeech.
A little further, upon Saliſbury's confirming the bad news, ſhe conceives a very natural though un⯑reaſonable idea, with which, however, we are apt to be impreſſed toward all meſſengers of bad tidings, however innocent of the evil:
That partiality in favour of beauty, which it is natural for all perſons to be ſenſible of, even where their duty and intereſts in different objects are equal, is ſtrongly marked by Conſtance, when her ſon begs her to ſuſtain his wrongs with patience. The whole ſpeech is affecting.
In the ſame Scene, when Saliſbury tells her that the two kings had ſent for her, and that be muſt not return without her, the anſwer ſhe makes is full of that dignity, which grief, mixed with reſentment, is capable of conferring on illuſtrious unfortunates; and her whole demeanour upon that occaſion is ex⯑preſſive of a great ſoul, rendered ſtill braver by miſ⯑fortunes.
Doctor Johnſon has given us a very judicious note on this paſſage; and as it relates to the paſſions, which, as well as morals, are a ſubject of this work, I ſhall preſent the reader with a tranſcript of it here.
‘In Much Ado About Nothing, the father of Hero, depreſſed by her diſgrace, declares himſelf ſo ſub⯑dued by grief, that a thread may lead him *. How is it that grief, in Leonato and Lady Conſtance, produces effects directly oppoſite, and yet both agreeable to Nature? Sorrow ſoftens the mind, while it is yet warmed by hope; but hardens it, when 'tis congealed by deſpair. Diſtreſs, while there remains any proſpect of relief, is weak and flexible; but when no ſuccour appears, is fearleſs [179] and ſtubborn; angry alike at thoſe who injure, and at thoſe who do not help; careleſs to pleaſe, where nothing can be gained; and fearleſs to offend, when there is nothing further to be dreaded. Such was this Author's knowledge of the Paſſions.’
SCENE II.
What expreſſions can be ſtronger in themſelves, or more ſhocking to the ears of her oppreſſors, than the following ſhort exclamation!
Here the ſpeech ſhould have ended; the four re⯑maining lines but weaken and diſgrace it.
SCENE III.
When Philip is urged by the Pope's Legate to break the league he had juſt entered into with John, he offers to compound the treachery by ceaſing to be his friend, but without becoming his enemy.
To which Pandulpho makes him this reply:
The old Jeſuit argues here as ingeniouſly for the diſpenſing power of the Papacy, as Satan does in Milton for his rebellion. The object of both is the ſame; namely, the abſolute and excluſive dominion of Heaven.
SCENE VI.
The wild and enthuſiaſtic manner with which the fondneſs and deſpair of Conſtance for her ſon, impels her to ſpeak of him, has ſomething extremely mov⯑ing in it:
There is ſomething very tender and affecting in her making uſe of the epithet pretty, in the laſt line. It has a better effect there than deareſt, angel, or even lovely, (though this laſt has a more compre⯑henſive ſenſe) would have had in that place. I muſt beg leave to refer to the Reader's own taſte for [181] the juſtneſs of this obſervation; for I own, I cannot explain why it ſtrikes me in this manner myſelf.
The reaſon why we are apt to cheriſh grief in our breaſts; that ſpecies of it, I only mean, which may be diſtinguiſhed by the name of tender ſorrow; from a peculiar ſort of indulgence it is capable of affording us, is admirably well expreſſed in the fol⯑lowing paſſage:
Theſe laſt three lines are almoſt ſuffocating. I be⯑lieve no woman with a mother's feeling, could ever be able to pronounce them articulately, even in re⯑preſentation.
Doctor Johnſon gives a good note on one of the paſſages of the above ſpeech:
‘This is a ſentiment which great ſorrow always dictates. Whoever cannot help himſelf, caſts his eyes on others for aſſiſtance; and often miſtakes their inability for coldneſs.’
[182]I remember a couple of French lines on this ſub⯑ject of grief, which contain the ſame thought that Conſtance expreſſes above:
SCENE VIII.
This may be a juſt image of life, to thoſe who have exhauſted its variety, and palled their ſenſes with its pleaſures. The ſpeech might not have ill become his father, old Philip, then labouring under baffled hopes and diſappointed wiſhes; who had juſt then ſuffered the mortification of having loſt a battle, in the heart of his own dominions, and whoſe miſ⯑taken faith in heaven had obliged him to break faith on earth, without effect too; but it was certainly rather too premature a ſentence to have proceeded from the lips of a young prince, who had been but juſt married to a woman he loved. Such an impro⯑priety in the character of a ſpeaker, hurts the effect of a thought or ſentiment.
In the ſame Scene, there is a ſtrong deſcription given of the ſituation of a ſovereign, with regard to the people, after he has forfeited their love, confi⯑dence, or eſteem.
Pandulpho, ſpeaking of John's keeping Arthur in priſon:
ACT IV.
SCENE IV.
The ſeveral uſeful reflections and morals to be col⯑lected from the following ſpeeches, are ſo many, and ſo mixed, that it is difficult to ſeparate or diſtinguiſh them. I ſhall therefore lay the whole paſſage toge⯑ther before the Reader, to draw his own inferences from; and ſhall alſo begin the Scene a little earlier than may at firſt appear to be neceſſary, not only on account of the admirable painting preſented to us in the beginning of it, but in order to ſhew the ſitua⯑tion of circumſtances in which the principal ſpeaker ſtands at the time.
Doctor Johnſon has made a comment on the latter part of this Scene, which the Reader has a right to claim in this place.
[185] ‘There are many touches of Nature in this conference of John with Hubert. A man engaged in wickedneſs would keep the profit to himſelf, and transfer the guilt to his accomplice. Theſe re⯑proaches vented againſt Hubert, are not the words of art or policy, but the eruptions of a mind ſwell⯑ing with the conſciouſneſs of a crime, and deſi⯑rous of diſcharging its miſery on another.’
‘This account of the timidity of guilt, hadſt thou but ſhook thy head, &c. is drawn ab ipſis receſſibus mentis, from an intimate knowledge of mankind; particularly that line in which he ſays, that to have bid him tell his tale in expreſs words would have ſtruck him dumb. Nothing is more certain, than that bad men uſe all the arts of fallacy upon them⯑ſelves, palliate their actions to their own minds by gentle terms, and hide themſelves from their own detection in ambiguities and ſubterfuges.’
SCENE VII.
When Hubert has been ſuſpected and charged with the murder of prince Arthur, the ſpeech of Faulcon⯑bridge to him is finely expreſſive of the ſtrength of deſpair ariſing from a guilty conſcience:
ACT V.
SCENE I.
The manner and ſpirit with which great perſonages ſhould act, on extraordinary occaſions of difficulty or danger, are bravely pointed out by the gallant Faulconbridge, in the following ſpeech to king John, when the French had invaded his kingdom.
SCENE II.
The ſtruggles and compunctions of a good mind, upon the being neceſſitated to take that part in a public cauſe which in polity is ſtiled Rebellion, and alſo the horrid nature of a Civil War, are finely and juſtly drawn here.
The anſwer to this ſpeech is fine; it pays due honour to the generous conflict in the ſpeaker's breaſt, and makes a diſtinction between the effects of male and female tears, paying the uſual, but too partial, compliment to the former. Be it ſo—The firſt are ſtronger on account of their being more rare, owing ſolely to the ſuperior harſhneſs of men's na⯑tures; but as the paſſions and feelings, which the ſpectator is ſenſible of, from each, are ſo very dif⯑ferent in their nature too, I cannot ſee how any ſort of compariſon can be fairly made between them.
SCENE X.
[188]Saliſbury, ſpeaking to King John, perceives him dead.
This would make a good epitaph for a royal Sepulchre!
This Play cloſes with one truth in fact, and another in prophecy, which I hope all time will vouch the inſpiration of.
RICHARD THE SECOND.
[]Dramatis Perſonae.
[]- RICHARD the Second.
- DUKE of York. Uncles to the King.
- JOHN of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaſter. Uncles to the King.
- MOWBRAY, Duke of Norfolk.
- BOLINBROKE, Son to John of Gaunt.
- AUMERLE, Son to the Duke of York.
- EARL of Northumberland.
- BISHOP of Carliſle.
- SIR STEPHEN SCROOP.
- EXTON, Governor of Pomfret Caſtle.
- BUSHY, Servants to the King.
- SCROOP, Servants to the King.
- QUEEN to King Richard.
RICHARD the SECOND.
[191]ACT I.
SCENE I.
THIS Play opens with a proper caution to all judges and jurors, in criminal cauſes, to attend moſt carefully to the principle, or motive, by which the accuſer appears to be actuated, that the credit of his teſtimony may be rated accordingly.
When the King calls the ſuit of Bolinbroke againſt Norfolk upon trial, he ſpeaks thus to the father of the former:
SCENE II.
When the King forbids the combat, and com⯑mands the Duke of Norfolk to throw down Bolin⯑broke's gage *, he anſwers with the true ſpirit of a gallant nobleman:
Afterwards, when Bolinbroke is called upon to the ſame purpoſe, he alſo replies as bravely; but as he expreſſes himſelf in ſo much an inferior man⯑ner to the former, I think it could afford the reader no great entertainment to have the paſſage quoted.
SCENE IV.
When the King ſentences theſe two champions to exile, he exacts an oath from them both, not to be reconciled to one another abroad, ſo far as to con⯑federate againſt the ſtate of England; in the ad⯑miniſtering of which bond, he deſires them to
Upon which latter line Doctor Warburton gives the following note:
‘It is a queſtion much debated among the writers on the Law of Nations, whether a baniſhed man be ſtill tied in allegiance to the ſtate which ſent him into exile. Tully and Clarendon declare for the affirmative: Hobbes and Puffendorf hold [193] the negative. Our Author, by this line, ſeems to be of the latter opinion.’
But I agree intirely with Cicero and Clarendon. The undergoing any penalty of law cannot diſſolve either the moral or the political duty we owe our country. Socrates, by refuſing to eſcape out of priſon, ſhewed, that he thought his obedience and ſubmiſſion to the ſtate continued ſtill to be obliga⯑tory on him, even though the decree was unjuſt, and the ſentence death. And under the Oſtraciſm, which impoſed baniſhment upon men for their very eminence and virtue, we do not hear of the illuſtri⯑ous exiles either ſpeaking, or acting, as if they deemed their allegiance to have been cancelled.
Nay, Ariſtides carried the ſubmiſſion of a good ſubject ſo far, as to think himſelf obliged in duty to write his own name on a ſhell, at the requeſt of an illiterate citizen of Athens, who voted againſt him on that very law. And Themiſtocles, though baniſhed through the ſpirit of faction, not that of the laws, and kindly entertained and preferred in the armies of Perſia, choſe to ſwallow poiſon, rather than march againſt his country.
'Tis not the community that baniſhes a man, but the laws which govern it.
Theſe ſurely are no object of reſentment; and to riſe in arms againſt a nation, becauſe one of its ſtatutes had fallen heavy upon us, would be juſt as rational, as to ſet a foreſt on fire, becauſe we had received the baſtinado by a cudgel that was taken out of it.
SCENE V.
Upon which paſſage there is the following reflec⯑tion, in the note by Doctor Johnſon:
‘It is matter of very melancholy conſideration, that all human advantages confer more power of do⯑ing evil, than good.’ A very melancholy reflection, indeed, were we to ſuppoſe it true!
In the inſtance before us, the hand of power, ſtrength, or treachery, may certainly deprive us of a life, which it cannot reſtore; but Shakeſpeare does not mean to make the reflection univerſal. A good Prince may render his whole people happy; a bad one can only affect a part. When tyranny becomes general, it defeats itſelf, at the coſt of the oppreſſor.
If my objection to the above uncomfortable maxim be valid, in the higheſt example, it would be trifling to adduce any leſſer ones to prove it.
SCENE VI.
Lancaſter, by way of comforting his ſon upon the ſentence of baniſhment, paraphraſes and poeti⯑ciſes the old Engliſh ſentence, of every place is an honeſt men's home, in theſe words:
which lines are followed by a long and equivocal de⯑clamation in the ſtile of the Stoic philoſophy; to which Bolinbroke impatiently replies, in a manner perfectly natural to the unhappy; for it requires lei⯑ſure to grow wiſe; nor is this ever effected by our becoming better able to bear misfortune, but by our feeling it leſs, from uſe and habit.
ACT II.
SCENE I.
The weight of perſuaſion which the admonitions of a dying perſon are apt to impreſs upon the mind, more than the moſt lively remonſtrances of one in perfect health, is well expreſſed here. The circum⯑ſtances of the time impreſs us with an awe which imprints the advice more ſtrongly on our memory, and gives it additional authority.
Lancaſter brought in ſick, attended by the Duke of York.
In the continuation of this dialogue, the fatal conſequences to a Prince of ill-choſen favourites, the danger of ſuffering foreign faſhions and manners to be introduced into a ſtate, with an enumerative deſcription of the peculiar advantages of England, with regard to its ſituation, and other happy cir⯑cumſtances, are ſtrongly pointed out.
The latter part of this ſpeech ſeems to be as pro⯑phetical as the firſt, if we compare it to the ſtate of our national debt—to our ſtocks—by which we have long ſince become tenants to foreigners.
SCENE V.
There are undoubtedly certain notices, or premo⯑nitions, in the order of Providence, which mankind have been frequently ſenſible of; ſometimes from dreams, at other times from unaccountable impreſ⯑ſions on the mind, foreboding particular misfortunes of our lives, let philoſophy reaſon againſt the no⯑tion ever ſo wiſely.
Indeed, there appears one argument to oppoſe this opinion, which, in any indifferent caſe, might be thought ſufficiently able to overthrow it; which is, that ſuch hints rarely, if ever, have been found to anſwer any other purpoſe, than to render us unhappy before our time.
But matter of fact is not to be controverted by ſyllogiſm. The objection only ſerves to reſolve it into a myſtery, and leaves it ſtill uninveſtigable by human ſcience. The more of ſuch inexplicable ſecrets of Providence which fall under our obſerva⯑tion, the better; as they may ſerve to rouze the Atheiſt from his lethargy, and afford the Deiſt oc⯑caſion to ſuſpect, at leaſt, that what he calls Na⯑tural Religion, is not the intire ſcheme of the Divine oeconomy with regard to men:
Here follows the paſſage which gave riſe to the above reflection.
Shakeſpeare has given a deſcription of the ſame complexion of mind, before, in the perſon of Antho⯑nio, in the Merchant of Venice. See my firſt remark on the Firſt Scene of the Firſt Act of that Play.
SCENE IX.
[199]Hope has been often termed the aſſuager of our grief; but Shakeſpeare has juſtly raiſed it to an higher character, by making it an augmentation to our joys, alſo.
ACT III.
SCENE II.
The biſhop of Carliſle, endeavouring to awaken the king to a manly exertion of his ſpirit againſt the rebellion, and neither to truſt to the weak defence of right againſt might, nor expect that Providence ſhall, out of reſpect to his divine right, fight his battles for him, while he looks idly on, ſays,
To which the king, after expreſſing a contempt for Bolinbroke and his adherents, makes a reply agreeable to the vain notion and political ſuperſtition of thoſe times, with regard to the abſurd doctrine of indefeaſible right.
SCENE III.
However, he afterwards begins to ſpeak more ra⯑tionally upon this ſubject; for though he appears a little caſt down at firſt, yet, on hearing ſome further ill news, he rouzes himſelf again, in the following ſpeech:
SCENE IV.
But this poor abdicating king had no true heroiſm in his ſoul; for, upon the intelligence of ſome more croſs events arriving to him juſt after, he ſuddenly drops the character of a fighting prince, and imme⯑diately ſinks into that of a preaching prieſt.
This kind of homily he continues afterwards, in the ſame Scene; including, however, ſome good re⯑flections on the unſtable and unſatisfactory ſtate of mortality, even in the higheſt ſpheres of life; which would have become his confeſſor better than they did himſelf, as the ſpirited Biſhop, a true ſon of the church militant, tells him, in the cloſe of the following paſſage.
There are ſeveral other paſſages of the ſame kind, in this and the ſubſequent Act, where Richard alter⯑nately riſes to a vain confidence in his indefeaſible right, and then ſinks again under a deſpondency about his fortunes; which I ſhall not diſguſt the Reader with here, as the repreſentation of a great [202] man ſuffering misfortunes meanly, is rather an object of contempt than of compaſſion.
In the latter part of this Scene, upon his finding matters growing worſe and worſe, he exclaims,
Doctor Johnſon has prevented my obſervation on this paſſage, by a note of his upon it.
‘This ſentiment is drawn from Nature. Nothing is more offenſive to a mind convinced that its di⯑ſtreſs is without a remedy, and preparing to ſubmit quietly to irreſiſtible calamity, than thoſe petty and conjectured comforts which unſkilful officiouſ⯑neſs thinks it virtue to adminiſter.’
ACT V.
SCENE I.
There is ſomething, however, extremely affecting, in what this unhappy man ſays to his queen, upon her lamenting the miſery of his ſituation.
This ſhort ſentence lays hold of the heart, makes us forget him as a king, and feel for him as a man. The fondneſs of his expreſſion too, of fair woman, increaſes the tenderneſs of our regret at the addi⯑tional unhappineſs of their ſeparation.
SCENE II.
This poor moralizing prince makes a very juſt obſervation here, on the nature of all alliances in vice.
A further and ſtronger reflection upon ſuch vi⯑cious connections, occurs in the laſt Scene of this Play, which I ſhall bring forward here before its time, where Exton, who had murdered Richard, brings an account of his great ſervice to Bolinbroke.
SCENE X.
The following ſoliloquy, in which the ſtate of the mind is compared to that of the world, though the thought is rather too much laboured, deſerves to be quoted, on account of the beauties it contains, the reflections it ſupplies, as well as for the moral com⯑paſſion, and generous reſentment, with which it is capable of inſpiring the virtuous Reader for the un⯑happy ſpeaker.
The laſt reflection has been ſo often made and remarked upon, before, in the courſe of this Work, that I ſhall leave it unnoticed here, and ſo conclude my obſervations on this Play.
HENRY the FOURTH. FIRST PART.
[]Dramatis Perſonae.
[]- HENRY the Fourth.
- HENRY Prince of Wales.
- EARL OF WORCESTER.
- HOTSPUR.
- GLENDOWER.
- MORTIMER.
- DOUGLAS.
- FALSTAFF.
- LADY PERCY, wife to Hotſpur.
- LADY MORTIMER.
HENRY the FOURTH. FIRST PART.
[207]ACT I.
SCENE I.
IN the firſt ſpeech here, Henry the Fourth, in order to encourage his ſubjects to attend him with the better ſpirit on the Cruſade expedition, which he had then reſolved upon, gives a horrid deſcription of their former ſtate of civil war, which the kingdom was happily at that time free from.
SCENE II.
The method that men take to diſguiſe the nature of their vices, by palliating epithets, is of dangerous conſequences in life. It not only ſerves to blunt the edge of remorſe in ourſelves, but often helps to in⯑duce a milder cenſure in others, upon the moſt fla⯑grant enormities.
Thus a proſtigate fellow, who debauches every woman in his power, is ſtiled a man of galantry; a pennyleſs adventurer, who carries off a rich heireſs, [208] is called a ſoldier of fortune; a duelliſt, dubbed with the title of a man of honour; a ſharper, un chevalier d'induſtrie; an atheiſt, a free-thinker; and ſo forth.
A good ſpecimen of this ſort of deceitful phraſeo⯑logy is preſented to us in part of this Scene.
Marry, then, ſweet wag, when thou art king, let not us that are ſquires of the night's body, be called thieves of the day's booty. Let us be Diana's foreſters, gentlemen of the ſhade, minions of the moon; and let them ſay we be men of good government, being governed as the ſea is, by our noble and chaſte miſtreſs the moon; under whoſe countenance we — ſteal.
Piſtol, in ſome other place, ſays of ſtealing, ‘con⯑vey the wiſe it call *.’
SCENE III.
I think I may venture to pronounce, for the ho⯑nour of human nature, that the moſt abandoned per⯑ſon breathing, means not to paſs his whole life in a ſtate of profligacy. He purpoſes, from time to time, to take up, as the phraſe is; but is too apt, from time to time, to procraſtinate his amendment; thus ſilenc⯑ing the clamours of his conſcience, by the hopeful deſign of reformation, and thinking his repentance ſufficiently advanced, by a ſelf-confeſſion of his vice or immorality.
The danger of this ſpecies of quietiſm, is ſtrongly pointed out, in part of a work lately publiſhed; and as it may afford a uſeful warning to ſome of my diſſipated readers, I ſhall quote the paſſage I allude to here.
The following ſpeech affords us a beautiful in⯑ſtance of this method of amuſing our too flexible and indolent tempers of mind; which I copy here with the greater pleaſure, as the ſpeaker of it did effectually reform his life and manners, and has en⯑riched the annals of England with a memoir of true glory.
The Prince of Wales, ſpeaking of his looſe com⯑panions, who had juſt quitted the ſcene, ſays,
SCENE IV.
When the brave Hotſpur is taxed by the king with having refuſed to ſurrender the priſoners which he had taken at the gallant action of Holmedon-Moor, to his order, the ſpeech he makes upon that occaſion, in excuſe for his refractorineſs, preſents us with a [210] very natural deſcription of the uneaſy, froward, and difficult temper of mind, a perſon is ſubject to in ſuch circumſtances as he paints himſelf to be at the time mentioned; and alſo entertains us with a cha⯑racter, admirably and humorouſly drawn, of a pert, foppiſh, and affected Court minion. The contraſt of the two figures here before us, would make an ex⯑cellent picture on canvas.
The king, not being ſatisfied with his apology, ſays to him, after ſome prior altercation between them,
Upon this menace, the impatient temper of Hotſpur breaks out into the following expreſſions; which, though the ſubſtance of them does not fall within the purpoſe of this Work, I ſhall, however, repeat here, and alſo continue the dialogue a good deal further, as it leads to the character of the ſpeaker, which I deſign to give a deſcription of, in the cloſe of my obſervations on the two next Plays.
And again, to the ſame purpoſe:
The precarious confidence that men can venture to place in unwarrantable ſervices performed for an⯑other, is well marked in the ſame ſcene, by one of the diſloyal conſpirators who had aſſiſted Henry to dethrone king Richard.
The Reader may here refer back to the quotation from the Second Scene in the Fifth Act of the former Play.
ACT III.
[213]SCENE I.
In this truly comic Scene, which may be the rather ſtiled ſo, becauſe there is no buffoonery in it, and which I therefore think preferable even to the hu⯑mour of Falſtaff, the vanity of old Glendower, in ſuppoſing himſelf to have been a peculiar object of the notice of Providence, which has, however, been the foible of ſeveral great men, Caeſar, &c. with the vulgar ignorance of miſtaking natural events for mi⯑racles, is finely contraſted with the careleſs humour, ſturdy ſpirit, and rational inveſtigation of Hotſpur.
It would be doing injuſtice to the dialogue, to parcel it out as it refers ſingly to the ſeveral arti⯑cles above ſpecified; therefore I ſhall entertain my readers with the whole paſſage intire, leaving them to mark the application in their own minds which will occur in their proper places.
SCENE II.
[216]Again, after Glendower goes away,
SCENE III.
Here is a beautiful deſcription given of that moſt pleaſing criſis of mind and body, between ſleeping and waking, when the paſſions are juſt ſubſiding to reſt, but the ſenſes not yet deprived of their no⯑tices.
Lady Mortimer, daughter to Glendower, not being able to ſpeak any language but Welch to her huſ⯑band, which he does not underſtand, the father un⯑dertakes to interpret between them.
There is neither metre-ballad-mongers ſtuff nor min⯑cing poetry, in the above ſpeech. If Glendower is not original in it, he has at leaſt the merit of a good tranſlator.
A little further on in the ſame ſcene, the uſual ex⯑pletives of converſation, and childiſh phraſes of aſ⯑ſeveration, are humorouſly turned into ridicule.
After lady Mortimer has ſung her Welch ſong, Hotſpur, in order to amuſe his mind, then pondering on momentous intents, ſays to his wife,
Not yours, in good ſooth! Why, you ſwear like a com⯑fit-maker's wife—Not you, in good ſooth; and as true as I live; and as God ſhall mend me; and as ſure as day; and giveſt ſuch ſarcenet ſurety for thy oaths, as if thou hadſt never walked further than Finſbury.
SCENE IV.
This whole Scene is ſo beautiful, ſo ſpirited, and ſo affecting, that it would be a maſſacre in literature to fever its members aſunder; which I ſhould lay myſelf under the barbarous neceſſity of doing, were the ſeveral ſentiments, obſervations, and reflections, which naturally ariſe from it, ſuffered to challenge their ſeveral references ſeparately: I ſhall therefore ſerve up the compact body of it unbroken, before the Reader, and leave the diſſection of its parts to his own judgment, taſte, and feeling.
Let the father who has an untoward ſon, here learn how beſt to reprove; let the youth, whoſe [218] virtues are obſcured by his errors, be inſtructed how to reform; let the ſovereign, who would preſerve his dignity, be hence taught how to maintain it; and the king, whoſe ſoibles have rendered him the object of contempt, be herein warned of the dan⯑gerous conſequences of his becoming deſpiſed.
There is hardly a line in the above ſpeech of the King, that is not worth the whole of what Sophocles [222] makes Oedipus ſay to his ſon in the ſame circum⯑ſtances. But I don't expect that the learned will ever give up this point to me, while one paſſage remains in Greek, and the other only in Engliſh.
SCENE I.
The nobleneſs of Hotſpur's character is ad⯑mirably ſuſtained throughout this Play. The fol⯑lowing ſpeech ſhews a fine part of it:
The precarious and critical ſituation of unwar⯑rantable and hazardous undertakings, is well re⯑flected upon in the following paſſage of the ſame Scene, when the conſpirators are informed that Northumberland is prevented by ſickneſs from at⯑tending the rendez-vous:
The gallant ſpirit of Hotſpur is well ſhewn in his reply:
Upon this occaſion Dowglas makes a boaſt, which though intended by him as an excluſive com⯑pliment to his own nation, may be challenged as the general characteriſtic of Great Britain at large.
Dowglas, in continuation of Hotſpur's ſpeech:
ACT V.
SCENE I.
Upon a parley or convention, held between the chiefs of the two parties, Worceſter enumerates the ſeveral grievances of the nation that had induced the Percy family to riſe in arms for redreſs. In reply to theſe charges, the King gives a very juſt account of the nature, pretences, and artifices of rebellion.
The liberal mind and brave heart of the Prince of Wales are beautifully marked in the following ſpeech, where he makes a generous encomium on Hotſpur, and ſends him a ſpirited defiance to ſingle combat, at the ſame time.
SCENE II.
The arguments of cowardice are whimſically diſ⯑cuſſed and expoſed, in the following paſſage. The Prince, juſt as he goes out, ſays to Falſtaff, ‘Why, thou oweſt Heaven a death.’ Upon which the fat Knight takes occaſion to hold this humorous ſoliloquy with himſelf:
'Tis not due, yet—I would be loath to pay him be⯑fore his day. What need I be ſo forward with him, that calls not on me? Well, 'tis no matter; honour pricks me on; but how if honour pricks me off again, when I come on? Can honour ſet to a leg? No—Or an arm? No—Or take away the grief of a wound? No. Honour hath no ſkill in ſurgery, then? No — What is honour? A word—What is that word Honour? Air—A trim [225] reckoning—Who hath it? He that died on Wedneſday. Doth he feel it? No—Doth he hear it? No—Is it inſenſible then? Yea, to the dead—But will it not live with the living? No—Why? De⯑traction will not ſuffer it. Therefore, I'll none of it—Honour is but a meer ſcutcheon *, and ſo ends my catechiſm.
SCENE III.
When the King has made the proffer of a general amneſty to the conſpirators, the natural diſtruſt and diffidence which rebels muſt ever labour under, is well deſcanted upon in this Scene.
If the Reader will take the trouble to revert to the laſt obſervation on the fourth Scene in the Firſt Act of this Play, he will meet with a like reflection there, made by the ſame perſon. This repetition is a ſtroke of Nature given us by the Poet, to ſhew the perturbation of ſpirits, and diſtruſt of mind, which perſons in his ſituation are ever ſenſible of. But, indeed, this reflection may more generally be applied to every ſpecies of vice; for in guilt there can be no peace within, nor confidence without.
SCENE IX.
The magnanimity of the Prince of Wales is pre⯑ſerved throughout his character. After he has ſlain Hotſpur, he makes his elegy in theſe words:
POSTSCRIPT.
I thought that my taſk was done with this Play, when I had got to the end of it; but there is ſome⯑thing ſo very great, ſingular, and attractive, in the two principal characters of this hiſtoric piece, that I find a pleaſure in keeping them ſtill in view, and contemplating them both in my mind.
Whenever Hotſpur or the Prince filled the Scene, which they are either of them, ſingly, ſufficient to do, I confeſs that my heart was ſenſible of ſuch an emotion, as Sir Philip Sidney ſaid he uſed to be affected with, on a peruſal of the old Ballad of Chevy-Chaſe; as if he had heard the ſound of a trumpet. Perhaps the following obſervation may better account for my impulſe:
Women are apt to eſteem the antient virtue of courage at an higher rate than men in general are; and this, for theſe two eſpecial reaſons. The firſt, that it is peculiarly neceſſary to their perſonal defence; and the next, that their weak⯑neſs induces them to form a ſublimer notion of this quality, than the ſtronger, and therefore braver, ſex may naturally be ſuppoſed to compliment it with. Men, feeling the principles of it in their own breaſts, conceive no very ſupernatural idea of it; while [227] women, having no ſuch premiſſes to reaſon from, look on it as ſomething more than human.
Theſe reflections, with the frequent occaſions I have had, thoughout this Play, of comparing the two heroes of it with each other, have tempted me to undertake a Parallel between them, after the man⯑ner of Plutarch; which, however, I did not mean to have given the Reader, as hinted above, 'till I ſhould come to the end of the ſecond Play after this, where our Author has concluded all he had to ſay about Henry the Fifth.
But as Shakeſpeare has opened enough of this Prince's character, here, to ſupply ſufficient materials for the compariſon, and that his unfortunate rival is juſt ſlain, I thought the Parallel might have a better effect on the mind of my Readers, in this place, than it would be likely to produce after the delay had ſuffered the impreſſion of Hotſpur's qua⯑lities to wear out of their remembrance.
A PARALLEL BETWEEN HOTSPUR, AND HENRY PRINCE OF WALES.
THEY are both equally brave; but the courage of Hotſpur has a greater portion of fierceneſs in it— The Prince's magnanimity is more heroic. The firſt reſembles Achilles; the latter is more like Hector. The different principles, too, of their actions help to form and juſtify this diſtinction; as the one invades, and the other defends, a right. Hotſpur ſpeaks nobly of his rival Dowglas, to his face, but after he is be⯑come his friend; the Prince does the ſame of Hotſpur, behind his back, and while he is ſtill his enemy.
They both of them poſſeſs a ſportive vein of humour in their ſcenes of common life; but Hot⯑ſpur ſtill preſerves the ſurly and refractory haughti⯑neſs of his character, throughout, even in the relaxa⯑tions [228] he indulges himſelf in. The Prince has more of eaſe and nature in his; delivering himſelf over to mirth and diſſipation, without reſerve. Hotſpur's feſtivity ſeems to reſemble that of Hamlet; as aſ⯑ſumed merely to relieve anxiety of mind, and cover ſanguinary purpoſes; the Prince's gaiety, like that of Faulconbridge *, appears to be more genuine, ari⯑ſing from natural temper, and an healthful flow of ſpirits. The Prince is Alcibiades—Percy is—him⯑ſelf.
There is likewiſe another character in this rich Play, of a moſt peculiar diſtinction; as being not only original, but inimitable, alſo—No copy of it has ever ſince appeared, either in life or deſcription. Any one of the Dramatis Perſonae in Congreve's Comedies, or, indeed, in moſt of the modern ones, might repeat the wit or humour of the ſeparate parts, with equal effect on the audience, as the perſon to whoſe rôle they are appropriated; but there is a certain characteriſtic peculiarity in all the humour of Falſtaff, that would ſound flatly in the mouths of Bardolph, Poins, or Peto. In fine, the portrait of this extraordinary perſonage is delineated by ſo ma⯑ſterly a hand, that we may venture to pronounce it to be the only one that ever afforded ſo high a degree of pleaſure, without the leaſt pretence to merit or virtue to ſupport it.
I was obliged to paſs by many of his ſtrokes of humour, character, and deſcription, becauſe they did not fall within the rule I had preſcribed to my⯑ſelf in theſe notes; but I honeſtly confeſs that it was with regret, whenever I did ſo; for, were there as much moral, as there certainly is phyſical, good in laughing, I might have tranſcribed every Scene of his, throughout this, the following Play, and the Merry Wives of Windſor, for the advantage of the health, as well as the entertainment, of my readers.
HENRY the FOURTH. SECOND PART.
[]Dramatis Perſonae.
[]- THE KING.
- PRINCE OF WALES.
- PRINCE JOHN OF LANCASTER.
- HUMPHREY OF GLOUCESTER.
- THOMAS OF CLARENCE.
- EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND. Againſt the King.
- ARCHBISHOP OF YORK. Againſt the King.
- LORD BARDOLPH. Againſt the King.
- MORTON. Againſt the King.
- EARL OF WARWICK. For the King.
- LORD CHIEF JUSTICE. For the King.
- SIR JOHN FALSTAFF.
- BARDOLPH.
- POINS.
- PISTOL.
- LADY PERCY, Widow of Hotſpur.
- DOLL TEAR-SHEET.
HENRY the FOURTH. SECOND PART.
[231]ACT I.
SCENE III.
THE quick eye of ſuſpicion, with the prophetic nature of anxious apprehenſions, are well marked here. The latter is a ſpecies of that kind of foreboding, often unaccountably ariſing in the mind, which I have taken notice of in former places *.
Morton, giving an account of the action at Shrewſbury, ſays to Northumberland,
Here Northumberland haſtily interrupts him:
I was juſt going to obſerve upon the latter part of this dialogue, when I happened to recollect that I had already taken notice of a parallel paſſage, in my ſecond remark on the Firſt Scene of the Third Act of King John; and to which I beg leave to refer my Reader.
The human mind, when rouſed by danger, or in⯑flamed with paſſion, is capable of inſpiring the brave heart with additional courage, and of ſupplying new vigour to exhauſted ſtrength. This admirable oeco⯑nomy in the human frame is contrived by nature, as being neceſſary to ſelf-defence, as well as in order to render injury the more difficult and hazardous to the offender.
[233]I have continued this ſpeech, for eight lines fur⯑ther than my preface to it required; but I thought the whole ſpirit and language of it too fine, to ſuffer it to be mangled by ſtopping ſhort. Beſides, this latter part of it ſhews that extravagance of deſpair and rage to which grief, reſentment, and misfor⯑tune are apt to drive a perſon, whoſe mind is not happily tempered by philoſophy, or reſtrained by religion.
See the ſecond remark, with the paſſage it refers to, in the Firſt Scene of Act the Fourth of the pre⯑ceding Play, as it will ſave me the trouble of mak⯑ing a new obſervation here, or of repeating the ſame again, as applicable to the following ſpeech:
SCENE VI.
There is a moſt diſguſting picture, but a too hiſ⯑torically juſt one, given, in this place, of the un⯑ſtable and fluctuating affections of the multitude— No popularity can be permanent, which is not earned by virtue, and preſerved by perſeverance in it. The Public is a Weather-Cock; it continues ſteady only while the wind remains ſo; when that ſhifts, the vane turns alſo.
ACT II.
SCENE IV.
The extravagant and ſuperſtitious notions of the vulgar, in former times, with regard to kings and heroes, though not really ſuppoſed in this Scene, are, however, very humorouſly ridiculed in it.
Truſt me, I am exceeding weary.
And is it come to that? I had thought that wearineſs durſt not have attacked one of ſo high blood.
It doth me, though it diſcolours the complexion of my greatneſs to acknowledge it. Doth it not ſhew vilely in me, now, to deſire ſmall beer?
Why, a Prince ſhould not be ſo looſely ſtudied, as to remember ſo weak a compoſition.
Belike then, my appetite was not princely got; for, in troth, I do now remember the poor creature, ſmall beer. But, indeed, theſe humble conſiderations make me out of love with my greatneſs. What a diſgrace is it in me, now, to remember thy name? or to know thy face, to-morrow? or to take note how many pair of ſilk ſtockings thou haſt? Videlicet; theſe, and thoſe that were once the peach-coloured ones—or to bear the inventory of thy ſhirts; as one for uſe, and another for ſuperfluity.
That common diſpoſition of vaunting ourſelves above others, ſo natural to mankind, that ſome writer [235] ſtiles it a mint at every one's tongue's end, to coin their own praiſe, is well marked in the latter part of this Scene. But I ſhall commence the dialogue a little earlier than may be juſt neceſſary to this reference, in order to treat my reader with a beautiful trait in the Prince's character, who is made to preſerve his virtue untainted, in the midſt of all his debauchery and diſſipation.
Poins, being piqued at the Prince's having ex⯑poſed the ſhabbineſs of his wardrobe, replies:
How ill it follows, after you have laboured ſo hard, you ſhould talk ſo idly? Tell me how many good young princes would do ſo, their fathers lying ſo ſick as yours at this time is?
Shall I tell thee one thing, Poins?
Yes, and let it be an excellent good thing.
It ſhall ſerve among wits of no higher breeding than thine.
Go to; I ſtand the puſh of your one thing that you'll tell.
Why, I tell thee, it is not meet that I ſhould be ſad, now my father is ſick; albeit, I could tell thee, as to one it pleaſes me, for fault of a better to call my friend, I could be ſad, and very ſad, indeed, too.
Very hardly, upon ſuch a ſubject.
By this hand, thou think'ſt me as far in the Devil's book as thou and Falſtaff, for obduracy and perſiſtency. Let the end try the man. But, I tell thee, my heart bleeds inwardly, that my father is ſo ſick; and keeping ſuch vile company as thou art, hath in reaſon taken from me all oſtentation of ſorrow.
The reaſon?
What would'ſt thou think of me, if I ſhould weep?
I would think thee a moſt princely hypocrite.
It would be every man's thought; and thou art a bleſſed fellow, to think as every man thinks. Never a man's thought in the world, keeps the road-way better than thine. Every man would think me an hypocrite, indeed. And what excites your moſt wor⯑ſhipful thought to think ſo?
Why, becauſe you have ſeemed ſo lewd, and ſo much ingrafted to Falſtaff.
And to thee.
Nay, by this light, I am well ſpoken of; I can hear it with my own ears. The worſt they can ſay of me, is, that I am [236] a ſecond brother, and that I am a proper fellow of my hands *; and thoſe two things, I confeſs, I cannot help.
The delicacy of the Prince's difficulty upon this occaſion, in not being able to manifeſt the concern he was really ſenſible of for his father's illneſs, leſt, from the former complexion of his life and manners, he might be ſuſpected of inſincerity in ſuch pro⯑feſſions, muſt have a fine effect on the ſentiment of a reader who is poſſeſſed of the leaſt refinement of principle or virtue.
A moſt uſeful leſſon might be framed, upon the very ſingular character of this amiable perſon. The pattern is not perfect; and therefore—ſhall I venture to ſay it? the example is the better, for that reaſon. His manners are idle, but his morals uncorrupt. He ſuf⯑fers Falſtaff to make as free with him as he pleaſes, but breaks his head, as Mrs. Quickly tells us in a former Scene, for his having thrown out a jeſt upon his father. Young men may learn from him never to be guilty of more vice, than the temptation to it might precipi⯑tate them into. He connives at the robbery of his companions, for the diverſion of playing the ſame game upon them, again; but reſolves to make ample re⯑ſtitution for the wrong †. He offends his father by the diſſoluteneſs of his conduct; but his filial affec⯑tion and reſpect are ſtill unremitted towards him. He ſhews a ſpirit of juſtice in injuſtice, and of duty, even in diſobedience.
I here offer this comment as a ſupplement to the character I have already drawn of this Prince, at the end of the former Play. I could not have fairly added it there, as any thing that did not im⯑mediately relate to the compariſon between him and Hotſpur, would have been improperly introduced in the Parallel.
SCENE V.
[237]The vanity with which men are apt to plume themſelves, with regard to titles of honour to which they can claim no merit, in themſelves, is humo⯑rouſly ridiculed here by Poins, in his notes on Fal⯑ſtaff's letter to the Prince, which is given him to read.
Every man muſt know that, as often as he hath occaſion to name himſelf; even like thoſe that are a-kin to the king, for they never prick their finger, but they cry, there is ſome of the king's blood ſpilt—How comes that? ſays he that takes upon him not to conceive it. The anſwer is as ready, as a bor⯑rower's cap *—I am the king's poor couſin, Sir.
Nay, they will be a-kin to us, or they will fetch it from Japhet.
SCENE VI.
The ſervile adulation uſually paid to great or diſtinguiſhed perſons, even to an imitation of their very defects, and which Alexander properly repre⯑hended, by giving a box on the ear to one of his courtiers who had mimicked the wryneſs of his neck, is well repreſented here:
Lady Percy, ſpeaking of Hotſpur,
[238]In the laſt paſſage of this Scene, the uncertain and irreſolute deliberation of mind, in which men are apt to be held in ſuſpence, upon the criſis of doubtful adventures, is well deſcribed by an apt ſimile.
SCENE X.
In this Scene, Doll makes a ſpeech that is wor⯑thy to be remarked upon. When Piſtol is ſtiled captain, ſhe ſays, ‘Captain! thou abominable damned cheater, art thou not aſhamed to be called captain? If captains were of my mind, they would truncheon you out of taking their names upon you, before you have earned them. A captain! theſe villains will make the word cap⯑tain odicus—therefore captains had need look to it.’
There is a punctilio of the kind hinted at here, already eſtabliſhed in the Army; but it is confined only to one article, namely courage. If an officer declines a challenge, or ſuffers an affront to paſs un⯑reſented, his corps refuſe to roll with him. It would be better, if this po [...]nt of honour reſpected the moral as well as the natural part of a ſoldier's character; and better ſtill, if the ſame ſpirit and virtue were exerted in every claſs or diſtinction of life; among lords, commoners, lawyers, parſons, and phyſicians. A rule of this ſort would go further towards the re⯑formation of manners, than all the laws and preach⯑ments that ever were made.
SCENE XI.
The ſl [...]ght merits and ſuperficial accompliſhments which too often connect young perſons in fellowſhip with each other, are here well expoſed. When For⯑tune [239] is whirling her wheel about, the turning of a tobacco-ſtopper, or of a ſtraw, may make a man, ac⯑cording to Trinculo's expreſſion*.
Sirrah, what humour is the prince of?
A good ſhallow young fellow; he would have made a good pantler; he would have chipped bread well.
They ſay Poins has a good wit.
He a good wit? hang him, baboon! His wit is as thick as Tewkſbury muſtard. There is no more conceit in him than is in a mallet.
Why does the prince love him ſo, then?
Becauſe their legs are both of a bigneſs, and he plays at quoits well, and eats conger and fennel †; and drinks off can⯑dles ends for flap-dragons ‡, and rides the wild mare with the boys, and jumps over joint ſtools, and ſwears with a good grace, and wears his boot very ſmooth, like the ſign of the leg, and breeds no bate with telling of indiſcreet ſtories; and ſuch other gambol facul⯑ties he hath, that ſhew a weak mind, and an able body; for the which the prince admits him, for he is himſelf ſuch another; the weight of an hair would turn the ſcales between their avoirdu⯑pois.
ACT III.
SCENE I.
In the fine ſpeech which fills this Scene, the anxie⯑ties of the great, with the content of the commonalty, the difference between the labour of the mind, and that of the body, are beautifullly contraſted, and moſt poetically compared.
SCENE II.
There is a ſad, becauſe a too true, proſpect of hu⯑man life, preſented to us here, which juſtifies the goodneſs of Providence, ‘"And vindicates the ways of God to man,"’ in hiding the future from our view. Quid ſit futurum cras, fuge quaerere.—All the knowledge that is neceſ⯑ſary to true wiſdom, the intire volume of morality and devotion lies open before us; the contingencies of events only, of little import, upon the whole of our exiſtence, being veiled from our ſight.
Were we capable of foreſeeing effects in their cauſes, and admitted to peer through the teleſcope of [241] time, it would more frequently and generally make us unhappy before our ſufferings; would render the future and precarious evil preſent and certain; dull the ſenſe of anticipated good, by giving us enjoy⯑ment before poſſeſſion; hope, the enhancer of ex⯑pected bliſs, would be loſt in aſſurance; and that dear cordial of deſpair be then ſtruck off from the materia medica of affliction.
Cicero ſpeaks finely upon this ſubject. I forget the place; but 'tis where he ſuppoſes Priam, Pompey, and Caeſar, to have had their ſeveral pages in the book of Fate laid open before them, in the height of their proſperity.
However, the reply to this reflection ſays, very juſtly, That, in many caſes, the ignorance of the future may be often ſupplied by thoſe who have made proper obſervations on paſt experience, and are capa⯑ble of forming judgments upon character.
SCENE III.
The uſual prate, or, as Hotſpur phraſes it, the bald unjointed chat of old fellows among their cotempora⯑ries, the fond and vain boaſtings of their youthful frolics, and their trite reflections, intermixed, at the ſame time, with a particular attention to their own intereſts, are all moſt excellently well diſplayed in this Scene, which I have a double purpoſe in laying before the Reader; to warn the old from rendering themſelves tedious or ridiculous by ſuch foibles; and alſo to incline the young to ſhew ſome tenderneſs to natural weakneſſes, ariſing not from the peculia⯑rities [243] of the perſons, being characteriſtical only of reſpectful years, and time-honoured age†.
Come on, come on, come on; give me your hand, Sir; an early ſtirrer, by the rood *. And how doth my good couſin Silence?
Good morrow, good couſin Shallow.
And how doth my couſin, your bed-fellow? and your faireſt daughter, and mine, my god-daughter Ellen?
Alas, a black ouſel ‡, couſin Shallow.
By yea and nay, Sir, I dare ſay my couſin William is become a good ſcholar. He is at Oxford ſtill, is he not?
Indeed, Sir, to my coſt.
He muſt then to the Inns of Court ſhortly. I was once of Clement's Inn; where, I think, they will talk of mad Shallow yet.
You were called luſty Shallow then, couſin.
I was called any thing, and I would have done any thing, indeed, too, and roundly too. There was I, and little John Doit, of Staffordſhire, and black George Barc, and Francis Pickbone, and Will. Squelt, a Cotſwold man; you had not four ſuch ſwinge⯑bucklers ‖ in all the Inns of Court, again; and I may ſay to you, we knew where the bona-roba's were, and had the beſt of them all at commandment. Then was Jack Falſtaff, now Sir John, a boy, and page to Thomas Mowbray, duke of Norfolk.
This Sir John, couſin, that comes hither, anon, about ſoldiers?
The ſame Sir John, the very ſame. I ſaw him break Schoggan's head at the court gate, when he was a crack, not thus high; and the very ſame day did I fight with one Sampſon Stock⯑fiſh, a fruiterer, behind Gray's Inn. O the mad days that I have ſpent! And to ſee how many of my old acquaintance are dead!
We ſhall all follow, couſin.
Certain, 'tis certain, very ſure, very ſure. Death, as the Pſalmiſt ſays, is certain to all; all ſhall die. How go a good yoke of bullocks, at Stamfora fair?
Truly, couſin, I was not there.
Death is certain. Is old Double, of your town, living yet?
Dead, Sir.
Dead!—See, ſee—He drew a good bow—And dead? He ſhot a fine ſhoot. John of Gaunt loved him well, and betted much money on his head. Dead!—He would have clapt in the clowt at twelve ſcore, and carried you a fore-hand ſhaft, a fourteen and fourteen and a half ‡, that it would have done a man's heart good to ſee — How a ſcore of ewes, now?
Thereafter as they be. A ſcore of good ewes may be worth ten pounds.
And is old Double dead!
SCENE IV.
The ridicule, in the following paſſage, is directed againſt the affectation of uſing what the vulgar call hard words, in familiar converſation, with the ſyno⯑nimous explications of ignorance, by throwing the ſame word into different tenſes or caſes, as if the ſenſe of it could be hit off, by the repetition of its own ſound.
My captain, Sir, commends him to you; my captain, Sir John Falſtaff, a tall gentleman, by Heaven! and a moſt gallant leader.
He greets me well, Sir, I knew him a good back⯑ſword man. How doth the good knight? May I aſk how my good lady, his wife, doth?
Sir, pardon; a ſoldier is better accommodated than with a wife.
It is well ſaid, Sir; and it is well ſaid, indeed, too— better accomm [...]dated —It is good, yea, indeed, is it—Good phraſes ſurely are, and ever were, very commendable. Accommodated— It comes of accommodo—very good, a good phraſe.
Pardon me, Sir; I have heard the word. Phraſe call you it? By this day, I know not the phraſe; but I will maintain the word with my ſword, to be a ſoldier-like word, and a word of ex⯑ceeding [245] good command. Accommodated—that is, when a man is, as they ſay, accommodated; or when a man is, being whereby he may be thought to be accommodated, which is an excellent thing.
ACT IV.
SCENE VIII.
There is a ſtriking deſcription given of the Prince, here, which does honour likewiſe to the ſpeaker. Parents, in general, while they are fond of their chil⯑dren, are apt either to ſee them without blemiſh, or, when they are offended with them, to ſhew no indul⯑gence to their failings. But the good old king ſpeaks here impartially of his ſon, fairly balancing his merits with his blames, and weighing them with the charity that Heaven itſelf will do hereafter.
One cannot help loving ſuch a character, taking the whole together. The good part of it is its na⯑ture, the bad one but its youth. Fruits of a wild favour are the choiceſt, when well cultivated.
In part of the above ſpeech, there is a good direc⯑tion given to thoſe who have to deal with paſſionate or capricious perſons, Chide him for faults, &c.
I ſhould have expatiated on the unanimity of the royal family, recommended here, as neceſſary to the ſafety of the crown; but that I could not poſſibly have urged any new argument on the ſubject, ſtronger than the old ſimile of the bundle of twigs in the Fable.
Juſt after, the king ſpeaks again of the prince, with the ſame tenderneſs, and in a moſt affecting manner, upon hearing that he ſtill continues to aſſo⯑ciate with his looſe companions:
In anſwer to this melancholy proſpect, Warwick endeavours to make an apology for the prince, in a very pretty and ingenious alluſion, wherein is implied, what happens to have too much truth in it, that no one can know the world, or be fit to govern in it, who is not ſufficiently acquainted with the baſe and corrupt part of mankind.
To this piece of ſoothing flattery the king re⯑plies, with as apt a ſimile, on his part, to expreſs his diffidence in the hopeful prophecy:
Intimating that our affections, like the honey⯑comb, however improperly placed at firſt, will too naturally continue ſtill to attract us, even in ſpite of our b [...]tter reaſon. The ſimile here made uſe of, tho' it may appear ſomewhat too coarſe, at firſt thought, will quickly be found to contain a very poetical beauty in it, upon recollecting the epiſode of Ariſ⯑taeus, at the end of the Fourth Georgic; where the miraculous generation of bees, from the putrid car⯑caſe of an ox, is related by Virgil; and to which this image may be looked upon as an alluſion.
SCENE IX.
There is a reflection made here upon the unſatiſ⯑factory or perverſe ſtate of things, in this life, which will have double its effect, as being delivered from that ſo much falſely envied ſtate, a throne.
Upon hearing that the rebels had been overthrown, the king ſays,
SCENE X.
The prince ſitting by his dying father, in a ſlum⯑ber, with the crown lying by him, lays open the ſcene, and expoſes to view the real, or, as it may more properly be expreſſed, the private ſtate of great⯑neſs, in the following ſoliloquy:
I have continued this ſpeech further than was merely neceſſary to the purpoſe for which it was intro⯑duced, becauſe I am fond of exhibiting my heroe in the beſt lights of his character.
ACT V.
SCENE I.
There are ſome good obſervations made here, on the powerful effects of the company we aſſociate with, over both our minds and manners; and the truth is not the leſs ſerious, or worthy of attention, for being humorouſly urged, or ridiculouſly ex⯑preſſed.
Falſtaff, on Shallow's going out, ‘If I were ſawed into quantities, I ſhould make four dozen of ſuch b [...]d [...]d h [...]rmit-ſlaves, as maſter Shallow. It is a wonderful thing to ſee the [...]ble coherence of his men's ſpirits and his.—They, by obſerving of him, do bear themſelves like fooliſh juſtices; he, by [...]verſing w [...]th them, is turned into a juſtice-like ſerving-man. Their ſp [...] are ſo married in conjunction, with the participation of ſociety, that they ſtock together, in conſent, like ſo many wild [...]. If I had a ſuit to maſter Shallow, I would humour his men [...] the imputation of being near their maſter; if to his men, I [...] carry with maſter Shallow, that no man could better com⯑mand [249] his ſervants. It is certain, that either wiſe bearing, or ig⯑norant carriage, is c [...]ught as men take diſeaſes, one of another; therefore, let men take heed of their company. I will deviſe matter enough out of this Shallow, to keep prince Henry in continual laughter, the wearing out of ſix faſhions; which is four terms, or two actions *; and he ſhall laugh without intervallums †. O, it is much, that a lie with a ſlight oath, and a jeſt with a ſad ‡ brow, will do with a fellow that never had the ach in his ſhoulders. O, you ſhall ſee him laugh, till his face be like a wet cloak ill laid up.’
SCENE II.
The following paſſage, though long, will not be found tedious; and is ſo full of excellent matter for obſervation, that it would be unpardonable to ſhorten it. The particulars worthy of notice in it, are al⯑ready ſo ſtrongly marked by the principal ſpeakers themſelves, that it would be an uſeleſs and imperti⯑nent labour in me, to point them out to the Reader.
The prince of Wales, now king, with the dukes of Lancaſter, Glouceſter, Clarence, and the Lord Chief Juſtice.
This judge's name was Hankford. But the favour⯑able event here deſcribed, never happened, with regard to him. Shakeſpeare, I ſuppoſe, only introduced it, by way of heightening our idea of the young king; and in this light, though the fact be falſe, it may, however, according to the diſtinction of ſome moral writer, be conſidered as a ſecondary truth, becauſe it correſponds with the character of the agent, and [252] would probably have happened, had the poor man lived to have appeared before him.
But, alas! the inconſiſtencies of human nature! This upright judge, this brave man, was ſtruck with ſuch a panic on the demiſe of Henry the Fourth, that he inſtantly formed a ſcheme for deſtroying himſelf, in the following manner: He gave ſtrict orders to his park keeper, to ſhoot any perſon that ſhould attempt to paſs through his grounds, without giving an ac⯑count of his name and buſineſs. In the middle of that night, he put himſelf in the way, refuſed to an⯑ſwer, and was immediately killed, according to the mad ſcheme of his puſillanimous purpoſe.
SCENE VII.
I ſhall cloſe my remarks on this Play, with the fol⯑lowing noble ſpeech of the young king, in which his truly great and amiable character is finely wound up.
HENRY the FIFTH.
[]Dramatis Perſonae.
[]- HENRY the Fifth.
- KING OF FRANCE.
- THE DAUPHIN.
- DUKE OF YORK, Uncles to Henry.
- DUKE OF EXETER, Uncles to Henry.
- DUKE OF BEDFORD, Brothers to Henry.
- DUKE OF GLOUCESTER, Brothers to Henry.
- ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY.
- BISHOP OF ELY.
- EARL OF WESTMORLAND.
- EARL OF CAMBRIDGE, Conſpirators.
- LORD SCROOP, Conſpirators.
- SIR THOMAS GREY, Conſpirators.
- DUKE OF BURGUNDY.
- DUKE OF ORLEANS.
- FLUELLIN, a Welch Captain.
- RAMBURES, French Lords.
- GRANDPREE, French Lords.
- The Conſtable of France.
- SIR THOMAS ERPINGHAM.
- MOUNTJOY, a French Herald.
- BATES and WILLIAMS, Engliſh Soldiers.
- ISABEL, Queen of France.
- CATHARINE, her Daughter.
- A LADY of the French Court.
HENRY the FIFTH.
[255]ACT I.
SCENE I.
THE ſudden reformation of Henry Prince of Wales, upon his ſucceſſion to the crown, is a fact recorded in hiſtory; and there have been ſuffi⯑cient inſtances of ſuch an exertion of latent virtue in mankind, upon record, to evince its not being a thing unnatural; though, ſad to ſay it, not enough to prevent its being reckoned in the claſs of uncom⯑mon events. Let us but lend our own aſſiſtance, and grace will ſeldom be found wanting. This ex⯑traordinary character is moſt beautifully deſcribed in the example now before us.
SCENE II.
[256]Here follows a fine leſſon for ſtates and potentates to reflect ſeriouſly upon, when they are publiſhing manifeſtos, or meditating a war.
The King, and Canterbury, who was preſident of his council:
There is a juſt deſcription of the nature of govern⯑ment, given a good deal further in the ſame Scene.
Both the diſtinction and the ſimile here made uſe of, are almoſt a literal tranſlation of a parallel paſſage [257] in Cicero; and there are ſo many other alluſions of the ſame kind, to be met with throughout our author's writings, as might lead one into an opinion of his being a tolerable claſſical ſcholar, notwithſtanding Ben Johnſon's invidious line, ‘"Altho' thou hadſt ſmall Latin, and leſs Greek."’ But in denying him the accompliſhment of litera⯑ture, he paid an higher compliment to his genius, than perhaps he meant; as this was to impute to him the greater merit of being poſſeſſed of the ſame fancy and judgment with the beſt of the Antients, without the advantages of their example or inſtruction.
The ſubject of the above ſpeech is conſidered more at large, and treated in detail, in the deduction drawn from it in the reply.
SCENE III.
When the ambaſſadors of France come before Henry, they aſk him whether they may ſpeak their errand in expreſs words, or muſt be reſtrained to de⯑liver the ſubſtance of it only, in more covert terms. To which he replies:
The above ſpeech is worth noting, conſidering the maxim generally. Reſentment may be excuſable in a man, but is unpardonable in a king. In this character he is to conſider himſelf but as one of the ſtates of government only; and legiſlature is diſpaſ⯑ſionate. Shall a judge ſuffer himſelf to be biaſſed by private pique, when pronouncing a public ſen⯑tence? When power is made uſe of to revenge per⯑ſonal affronts, royalty ceaſes, and tyranny begins.
ACT II.
SCENE I.
This is a reflection which cannot too frequently be made, and ſhould be the preamble to every act or deed of Kings, Lords, and Commons. See the ſpeech and reflection which concludes King John, in this Work.
SCENE III.
If I had attended to the order of the ſubjects, without regarding that of the Scenes, I ſhould have added the following paſſage to the laſt obſervation on the former Act; and to which note I beg leave now to refer the Reader.
[259]The King, on ſentencing the conſpirators, Cam⯑bridge, Scroop, and Grey; ſays,
SCENE V.
Such ought to be the vigilance of all ſtates.— When ſovereigns repoſe their heads ſupinely in the lap of peace, they muſt expert to be taken napping at ſome unguarded hour, or other. The beſt way of making peace is with ſword in hand, they ſay— Yes—and to preſerve it, too.
In the continuation of this Scene, the ſame ſpeaker adds another rule of prudence and ſafety to the former.
And again; the ſame ſubject is in ſome ſort car⯑ried on, with additional reflections.
SCENE VI.
In the ſpeech of the Engliſh Ambaſſador to the French King, claiming the rights of Henry, there are ſome truly alarming reflections propoſed to the conſideration of all ſtates that undertake or main⯑tain a war in an unjuſt cauſe; and may be conſi⯑dered as a ſupplement to Henry's firſt ſpeech, in the former Act.
ACT III.
SCENE IV.
The ſame ſubject and reflections are repeated here, before the beſieged gates of Harfleur.
What an horrid repreſentation is here given of the too general ſtate of routed battle! A civil war excited among all the wild beaſts of the foreſt, could not afford ſo ſhocking a picture. No creature, but [262] man, joins cruelty with fierceneſs, or adds malice to rage! None, but the inhuman human ſavage, Man!
The above deſcription of a victorious enemy is too true a one, if hiſtoric evidence can force reluctant credit—For war has its barbarous rights — or wrongs, rather—which neither humanity can prevent, nor diſcipline reſtrain, nor juſtice puniſh—War is its own legiſlator, and victory to itſelf a law.
SCENE VIII.
After the ſurrender of Harfleur, when Henry is on his march to Calais, he is met by Mountjoy, the French Herald, who delivers an inſolent defiance from the king of France, requiring to know what ranſom he will compound to pay, for leave to retire alive out of the kingdom; to which he replies,
There is ſomething extremely fine in Henry's reply to the French gaſconading taunt above. It is uncommon to meet with ſo much careleſsneſs and courage in the ſame character—There is no ſuch deſcription in hiſtory, nor have many people, pro⯑bably, ever been acquainted with it among the living manners of men; and yet the repreſentation of it appears to be ſo perfectly natural, that we muſt greatly admire the talents of a writer, who could thus realize, in effect, a mere idea.
The bravery of Henry ſcorned to deny the con⯑dition of his troops, either with regard to their health or numbers: theſe circumſtances the enemy pretended to have been acquainted with already, or were determined to make an experiment of, at leaſt; he therefore openly acknowledges the truth of his weak ſituation; and this with the ſame eaſe and humour, as he would have delivered himſelf to Falſtaff, had he been his aid-du-camp for the day.
But, at the ſame time, he moſt reſolutely declares his purpoſe of trying the event; at every hazard of life, claim, and liberty.
The contemptuous ſarcaſms he throws out, in this ſpeech, againſt the French nation, beſides ſhewing an admirable temper and compoſure of mind in ſuch difficult circumſtances, convey alſo an apt re⯑partee to the ſcornful inſolence of the Dauphin; who, in return to Henry's demanding his right of ſuc⯑ceſſion to the crown of France, ſent him a parcel of tennis-balls to play with, in alluſion to the ſlight repute of his former life and manners, Pertneſs is impertinence; but repartee has the lex talionis, or law of retaliation, on its ſide.
[264]Shakeſpeare has a great reſemblance to Arioſto, whoſe ſtile had a mixture of humour, with ſublimity in it. The late ingenious Mr. Hawkins ſays of the latter, ‘His heroes are full of merriment in the midſt of danger, and he ſeldom deſcribes a battle, without a jeſt.’
SCENE II.
The ſame magnanimity of character in Henry, is diſplayed throughout this Play. One of the in⯑ſtances of it we may ſee in this Scene, out of which alſo ſome other things worthy of notice may be picked up. The Reader will mark them as he peruſes.
SCENE IV.
And again; his excellent compoſure of mind is manifeſted further, in this Scene; where he anſwers the challenges of the guards going their rounds, but without revealing himſelf. I ſhall here preſent the intire paſſage to the Reader, referring, as in the former inſtance, the ſeveral parts of it which deſerve obſervation, to his own apprehenſion.
Henry going out, enter Bates and Williams, two Soldiers:
Who goes there?
A friend.
Under what Captain ſerve you?
Under Sir Thomas Erpingham.
A good old commander, and a moſt kind gentleman. I pray you, what thinks he of our eſtate?
Even as men wrecked upon a ſand, that look to be waſhed off the next tide.
He hath not told his thought to the king?
No; nor is it meet he ſhould; for, though I ſpeak it to you, I think the king is but a man, as I am—The violet ſmells to him, as it doth to me; all his ſenſes have but human conditions. His ceremonies laid by, in his nakedneſs he appears but a man; and though his affections are higher mounted than ours, yet when they ſtoop, they ſtoop with the like wing; therefore, when he ſees reaſon of fears, as we do, his fears, out of doubt, be of the ſame reliſh as ours are; yet in reaſon no man ſhould poſſeſs him with any appearance of fear, leſt he, by ſhewing it, ſhould diſhearten his army.
He may ſhew what outward courage he will; but, I believe, as cold a night as 'tis, he could wiſh himſelf in the Thames up to the neck; and ſo I would he were, and I by him, at all adventures, ſo we were quit here.
By my troth, I will ſpeak my conſcience of the king; I think he would not with himſelf any where, but where he is.
Then would he were here alone; ſo ſhould he be ſure to be ranſomed, and many poor men's lives ſaved.
I dare ſay you love him not ſo ill to wiſh him here alone, however you ſpeak this to feel other men's minds. Methinks, I could not die any where ſo contented, as in the king's company; his cauſe being juſt, and his quarrel honourable.
That's more than we know.
Ay, or more than we ſhould ſeek after; for we know enough, if we know we are the king's ſubjects; if his cauſe be wrong, our obedience to the king wipes the crime of it out of us.
But if the cauſe be not good, the king himſelf hath a heavy reckoning to make; when all thoſe legs, and arms, and heads, chopped off in a battle, ſhall join together at the latter day, and cry all, we died at ſuch a place; ſome ſwearing, ſome crying for a ſurgeon, ſome upon their wives left poor behind them, ſome upon the debts they owe, ſome upon their children rawly left. I am afeared there are few die well, that fall in battle; for how can they charitably diſpoſe of any thing, when blood is their argument? Now, if theſe men do not die well, it will be a black matter for the king, that led them to it, whom to diſobey were againſt all proportion of ſubjection.
So, if a ſon that is ſent by his father about merchandize, do fall into ſome lewd action, and miſcarry, the imputation of his wickedneſs, by your rule, ſhould be impoſed upon the father that ſent him; or, if a ſervant under his maſter's command, tranſporting a ſum of money, be aſſailed by robbers, and die in many irrecon⯑ciled iniquities, you may call the buſineſs of the matter the author of the ſervant's damnation. But this is not ſo—The king is not bound to anſwer the particular endings of his ſoldiers, the father of his ſon, nor the maſter of his ſervant; for they purpoſe not their deaths, when they purpoſe their ſervices. Beſides, there is no king, be his cauſe never ſo ſpotleſs, if it come to the arbitrament of ſwords, can try it with all unſpotted ſoldiers. Some, perad⯑venture, have on them the guilt of premeditated and contrived murder; ſome of beguiling virgins with the broken ſeals of per⯑jury; ſome making the wars their bulwark, that have before gored the gentle boſom of peace with pillage and robbery. Now, if theſe men have defeated the law, and out-run native puniſhment, though they can cut-ſtrip men, they have no wings to fly from God. War is his beadle, war is his vengeance; ſo that herein men are puniſhed, for before-breach of the king's law, in the king's quarrel [267] now—Where they feared death, they have borne life away; and where they would be ſafe, they periſh. Then, if they die unpro⯑vided, no more is the king guilty of their damnation, than he was before guilty of thoſe impieties for which they are now viſited. Every ſubject's duty is the king's, but every ſubject's ſoul is his own. Therefore ſhould every ſoldier, in the wars, do as every ſick man, in his bed, waſh every moth out of his conſcience; and, dying ſo, death is to him an advantage; or, not dying, the time was bleſſedly loſt, wherein ſuch preparation was gained; and to him that eſcapes, it were not ſin to think that, making God ſo free an offer, he let him out-live that day to ſee his greatneſs, and to teach others how they ſhould prepare.
'Tis certain that every man that dies ill, the ill is upon his own head; the king is not to anſwer for it.
In the continuation of this Scene, Williams quar⯑rels with the king, ſtill unknown, and they exchange gages with each other, to fight on their next inter⯑view. Henry does all this in ſport; and I ſhould not have brought it forward to the Reader's view, but that this particular is alluded to, juſt now, in the Sixteenth Scene of this Act.
SCENE V.
The following beautiful ſpeech is replete with fine reflection, rich language, and poetical imagery. It immediately follows the above dialogue, when the ſoldiers quit the Scene, and is a meditation naturally ariſing from the argument there diſcuſſed.
What is, indeed, the ſuperior ſtate of kings, but greater pomp, anxiety, and danger!
SCENE VI.
[269]Henry makes a good prayer here, juſt before the engagement; in the firſt part of which is expreſſed a proper theological ſenſe, in the referring all events to the diſpoſition of Providence; but in the latter end of it, the Popiſh doctrine of Commutation, the making atonement for miſdeeds by pious acts, with⯑out performing the juſtice of Retribution, is fully ſet forth.
SCENE VII.
The briſk, preſumptuous, and gaſconading ſpirit of the French nation, is well expoſed in the following Scene, laid in their camp, juſt before the action.
Grandpree's deſcription, given here, of a fatigued, diſpirited, and weather-beaten hoſt is moſt maſterly drawn, in the true pictureſque ſtile, in the above paſſage; and if the French had fought, on that memorable day, but as well as Shakeſpeare has made them ſpeak upon the occaſion, England might not, perhaps, have numbered France among the titles of its crown.
SCENE VIII.
The gallant ſpirit of a ſoldier is nobly ſet forth in this ſcene, which, were it founded merely in the imagination of the poet, would not be ſo material to be remarked upon; but being grounded on hiſ⯑toric fact, ought to be taken notice of for the ho⯑nour of our Engliſh heroe.
The latter part of this ſpeech, though ſomewhat too declamatory, contains many of thoſe reflections [273] and conſiderations, which uſed, formerly, to inſpire our troops with courage, while that virtuous and noble ſpirit was yet retained among our brave an⯑ceſtors, which led them to reſpect what their country or poſterity might think or ſay of them.
SCENE IX.
The tenor of Henry's character is ſtill finely pre⯑ſerved, in the following paſſage; which, as his cauſe was juſt, and that his magnanimity and reſolution ſo happily bore him through the infinite odds of op⯑poſition, deſerves well to be obſerved upon.
When the two armies are juſt on the point of join⯑ing battle, the French Herald comes again to the Engliſh camp, repeating the ſame challenge as before from the Conſtable, requiring to know what terms the king would propoſe for his ranſom; as ſuppoſing him already a captive.
SCENE XII.
Here follows a noble example of bravery, friend⯑ſhip, loyalty, and compoſure of mind—in fine, of every manly excellence and virtue, moſt beautifully deſcribed in the recital of one ſhort and ſingle action on the field of battle.
The Poet has moſt judiciouſly interrupted Henry's ſpeech, in this critical place. It would have been expected from him to have ſaid ſomething more, upon ſo intereſting an occaſion; and yet it would have been impoſſible to have carried either ſentiment or expreſſion higher than Exeter had juſt done, on the ſame ſubject. Shakeſpeare has herein imitated the addreſs of Timanthes, who, in his picture of the ſa⯑crifice of Iphigenia, covers her father's head with a veil.
SCENE XIV.
The firſt ſentence in the above ſpeech, is one among the many inſtances in which Shakeſpeare has manifeſted his thorough knowledge in human nature. Henry acts with an heroic reſolution during the whole of this perilous conflict, and replies with a daring and careleſs ſpirit to all the inſolence and contempt of a powerful enemy; but he expreſſes no rage, nor betrays the leaſt manner of reſentment, throughout. The dangers and difficulties of his ſituation required the utmoſt command and preſervation of his temper. Diſtreſs and affliction are ſovereign ſpecifics for the pride and fierceneſs of man's nature. But theſe re⯑ſtraints being now removed, by his victory, he begins to yield the rein a little to paſſion, upon ſeeing the obſtinacy of the enemy ſtill continuing after their defeat.
SCENE XVI.
[276]Here the paſſage hinted above, from the latter part of the Fourth Scene in this Act, comes to be cleared up, when the ſoldier finds that the unknown perſon he had engaged to fight with was his king. Upon this occaſion he makes an apology for himſelf, which may have its uſe in being extended to a general reflection, applicable to all the ſuperior ranks of life; That thoſe who demean themſelves below their cha⯑racter or dignity, can have no right to challenge that reſpect from the world, which they might otherwiſe be intitled to.
How canſt thou make me ſatisfaction?
All offences, my lord, come from the heart; never came any from mine, that might offend your majeſty.
It was ourſelf thou didſt abuſe.
Your majeſty came not like yourſelf; you appeared to me but as a common man; witneſs the night, your garments, your lowlineſs; and what your highneſs ſuffered under that ſhape, I be⯑ſeech you take it for your fault, and not mine; for had you been as I took you for, I made no offence; therefore, I beſeech your highneſs, pardon me.
SCENE XVII.
Henry preſerves the ſame ſpirit of piety after his victory, as he had expreſſed juſt before the action, in Scene the Sixth of this Act; in imputing his ſuc⯑ceſs to the arm and protection of Omnipotence alone.
ACT V.
SCENE III.
In this Scene, a congreſs is held between the Engliſh and French, which is opened by the duke of Burgundy with a declamatory repreſentation of a country during a ſtate of war, which moves me more even than the deſcription of a battle would do. The barbarous ſcene here ſet forth, is more general and permanent.—The latter paſſage, which mentions the condition of uneducated youth, is by much the moſt affecting part of the picture. The former damage, by labour, money, and a good harveſt, may be re⯑paired, but neither induſtry, mines, nor leſs than an age, can retrieve the other loſs.
When a council is ſelected to retire apart, and confer upon the preliminaries of peace, the queen of France, who is preſent at the treaty, is aſked by Henry, whether ſhe chuſes to go with the plenipo⯑tentiaries, or would ſtay where ſhe is?
What Iſabel ſays upon this occaſion is very true. Men may be ſometimes too ſturdy with one another, even in matters of mere punctilio, or of trifling concern; each too proud or obſtinate to recede; when the interpoſition of a woman may remove the difficulty, or compoſe the ferment, without either of the parties appearing to give up to the other.
The interfering of a woman, in diſputes between men, is ſeldom an indifferent matter. It generally renders them either more gentle, or more refractory.
SCENE IV.
Shakeſpeare appears to be ſo fond of the perſon⯑age of Henry, that though he has already raiſed him to the higheſt pitch in our admiration and eſteem, he continues to recommend him to us ſtill further, by introducing him in a new character and ſituation, that of a lover and a courtier. He did the ſame for Falſtaff before, in the Merry Wives of Windſor, at the requeſt of Queen Elizabeth; but here he enters a volunteer in the ſervice. Had any other writer ventured on ſuch an attempt, he would have rendered him a quite different man from him⯑ſelf, [279] as Racine has miſrepreſented Achilles; but Henry continues to be the ſame perſon ſtill, only appearing in new circumſtances; the ſame humour, playful ſpirit, and careleſs eaſe, remain in his courtſhip, as may be ſeen in his rallying of Falſtaff, replying to Mountjoy, or exchanging gages with the ſoldier.
It is neceſſary to tranſcribe the intire dialogue be⯑tween him and his miſtreſs, to ſupport my obſerva⯑tion, as well as for the entertainment of my Reader.
Your majeſty ſhall mock at me, I cannot ſpeak your England.
O, fair Catharine, if you will love me ſoundly with your French heart, I will be glad to hear you confeſs it brokenly with your Engliſh tongue. Do you like me, Kate?
Pardonnez moy. I cannot tell what is like me.
An angel is like you, Kate, and you are like an angel.
Que dit il, que je ſuis ſemblable à les anges?
Oui, vrayment, ſauve votre grace, ainſi dit il.
I ſaid ſo, dear Catharine, and I muſt not bluſh to affirm it.
O, bon Dieu, les langues des hommes ſont pleines de trom⯑peries.
What ſays ſhe, fair one? that tongues of men are full of deceit?
Ouy, dat de tongues of de mans is be full of deceits. Dat is de princeſs.
The princeſs is the better Engliſh woman. I'faith, Kate, my wooing is fit for thy underſtanding; I am glad thou canſt ſpeak no better Engliſh; for, if thou could'ſt, thou would find'ſt me ſuch a plain king, that thou would'ſt think I had ſold my farm, to buy a crown. I know no ways to mince it in love, but directly to ſay, I love you; then, if you urge further than to ſay, do you, in faith? I wear out my ſuit. Give me your anſwer; i'faith do; and ſo clap hands, and a bargain. How ſay you, lady?
Sauf votre honneur, me underſtand well.
Marry, if you put me to verſes, or to dance for your ſake, Kate, why you undid me; for the one I have neither words, nor meaſure; and for the other, I have as little addreſs. If I could [280] win a lady at leap-frog, or by volting * into my ſaddle, with my armour on my back, under the correction of bragging be it ſpoken, I ſhould quickly leap into matrimony. Or if I might buf⯑fet for my love, or bound my horſe for her favours, I could lay on like a butcher, and ſit like a jack-a-napes † never off. But, before God, Kate, I cannot look greenly, nor gaſp out my eloquence, nor have I cunning in proteſtation; only downright oaths, which I never uſe, till urged, and never break, for urging ‡. If thou canſt love a fellow of this temper, Kate, whoſe face is not worth ſun⯑burning, that never looks in his glaſs for love of any thing he ſees there, let thine eye be thy cook. I ſpeak plain ſoldier; if thou canſt love me for this, take me; if not, to ſay to thee that I ſhall die 'tis true; but or thy love, by the Lord, no; yet I love thee too. And while thou liveſt, Kate, take a fellow of plain and un⯑coined § conſtancy, for he perforce muſt do thee right, becauſe he hath not the gift to woo in other places; for thoſe fellows of infinite tongue, that can rhyme themſelves into ladies favours, they do al⯑ways reaſon themſelves out again ‖. What? a ſpeaker is but a pra⯑ter; a rhyme is but a ballad; a good leg will fall, a ſtraight back will ſtoop, a black beard will turn white, a curled pate will grow bald, a fair face will wither, a full eye will wax hollow; but a good heart, Kate, is the ſun and the moon; or rather the ſun, and not the moon; for it ſhines bright, and never changes, but keeps his courſe truly. If thou would'ſt have ſuch a one, take me; take a ſoldier; take a king. And what ſay'ſt thou then to my love? Speak, my fair, and fairly, I pray thee.
Is it poſſible dat I ſhould love de enemy of France?
No, it is not poſſible that you ſhould love the enemy of France, Kate; but in loving me you ſhould love the friend of France; for I love France ſo well, that I will not part with a village of it; I will have it all mine; and, Kate, when France is mine, and I am yours, then yours is France, and you are mine.
I cannot tell vat is dat.
No, Kate? I will tell thee in French, which I am ſure will hang upon my tongue, like a bride about her huſband's neck, [281] hardly to be ſhook off—Quand j'ay le * poſſeſſion de France, & quand vous avez le poſſeſſion de moi—Let me ſee—What then? St. Dennis be my ſpeed!—Donc votre eſt France, & vous etes mienne. It is as eaſy for me, Kate, to conquer the kingdom, as to ſpeak ſo much more French. I ſhall never move thee in French, unleſs it be to laugh at me.
Sauf votre honneur, le Francois que vous parlez eſt meilleur que l'Anglois lequel je parle.
No, faith, it's not, Kate; but thy ſpeaking of my tongue, and I thine, moſt truly falſely, muſt needs be granted to be much at one. But, Kate, doſt thou underſtand ſo much Engliſh? Canſt thou love me?
I cannot tell.
Can any of your neighbours tell, Kate? I'll aſk them. Come, I know thou loveſt me; and at night when you come into your cloſet, you'll queſtion this gentlewoman about me; and I know, Kate, you will to her diſpraiſe thoſe parts in me, that you like beſt; but, good Kate, mock me mercifully; the rather, gentle Princeſs, becauſe I love thee cruelly. If ever thou beeſt mine, Kate, as I have ſaving faith within me tells me thou ſhalt, I get thee with ſcambling †, and thou muſt, therefore, needs prove a good ſoldier-breeder—Shall not thou and I, between St. Dennis and St. George, compound a boy half French, half Engliſh, that ſhall go to Conſtantinople, and take the Turk by the beard? Shall we not? What ſay'ſt thou, my fair Flower-de-Luce.
I do not know dat.
No, 'tis hereafter to know, but now to promiſe. Do but now promiſe, Kate, you will endeavour for your French part of ſuch a boy; and, for my Engliſh moiety, take the word of a king and a bachelor. How anſwer you, le plus belle Catharine du monde, mon tres chere & divine deeſſe?
Your majeſtee ave fauſe French enough to deceive de moſt ſage damoiſel ‡ dat is en France.
Now, fy upon my falſe French; by mine honour, in true Engliſh, I love thee, Kate; by which honour I dare not ſwear thou loveſt me; yet my blood begins to flatter me that thou doſt, notwithſtanding the poor and untempting effect of my viſage. Now, beſhrew my father's ambition, he was thinking of civil wars when he got me; therefore was I created with a ſtubborn out⯑ſide, with an aſpect of iron, that when I come to woo ladies, I fright them; but in faith, Kate, the elder I wax, the better I ſhall [282] appear. My comfort is, that old age, that ill layer up of beauty, can do no more ſpoil upon my face. Thou haſt me, if thou haſt me, at the worſt; and thou ſhalt wear me, if thou wear me, better and better; and therefore, tell me, moſt fair Catharine, will you have me? Put off your maiden bluſhes, avouch the thoughts of your heart, with the looks of an empreſs; take me by the hand, and ſay, Harry of England, I am thine; which word thou ſhalt no ſooner bleſs mine ear withal, but I will tell thee aloud, England is thine, Ireland is thine, France is thine, and Henry Plantagenet is thine; who, though I ſpeak it before his face, if he be not fel⯑low with the beſt king, thou ſhalt find the beſt king of good fellows. Come, your anſwer in broken muſic; for thy voice is muſic, and thy Engliſh broken—Therefore, queen of all, Catharine, break thy mind to me in broken Engliſh, wilt thou have me?
Dat is as it ſhall pleaſe le roy mon pere.
Nay, it will pleaſe him well, Kate—It ſhall pleaſe him, Kate.
Den it ſhall alſo content me.
Upon that I kiſs your hand, and call you my queen.
Laiſſez, mon Seigneur, laiſſez, laiſſez—Ma foy, je ne veux point que vous abaiſſiez voſtre grandeur, en baiſant la main de votre ind [...]gne ſerviteure *; excuſez moy, je vous ſupplie, mon tres puiſſant Seigneur.
Then I will kiſs your lips, Kate.
Les dames & demoiſelles ne faut pas etre baiſ [...]es devant leur nopçes—Il n'eſt pas la coútume de France.
Madam my interpreter, what ſays ſhe?
Dat it is not be de faſhon pour les ladies of France—I cannot tell what is baiſer, en Engliſh.
To kiſs, Mademoiſelle.
Your majeſty entendre better que moy.
'Tis not a faſhion for the maids of France to kiſs, before they are married, would ſhe ſay?
Ouy, vrayement.
O, Kate, nice cuſtoms curtſie to great folks. Dear Kate, you and I cannot be confined within the weak liſt of a country's faſhion—We are the makers of manners, Kate; and the liberty † that follows our places, ſtops the mouth of all find-faults; as I will do yours for the upholding the nice faſhion of your country, in denying me a kiſs—Therefore—patiently, and yield⯑ing—
You have witchcraft in your lips, Kate; there is more eloquence in a touch of them, than in all the tongues of [283] the French council; and they would ſooner perſwade Harry of England, than a general petition of monarchs. Here comes your father.
In the laſt paſſage of the foregoing dialogue, Henry affords a good ſubject for reflection, where he ſpeaks of the powerful influence of kings over the manners of a people. The maxim appears to be plauſible, but is not true, in every reſpect. Rank and example alone, will not be ſufficient for this effect, unſupported by dignity and precept. It is not enough for a prince to act well himſelf, and intend well to morals—He muſt form a purpoſe for their ſupport, and be active in his general, as well as private, capacity. A ſovereign, indeed, has it in his power, whenever it is in his will, moſt effectually to encourage virtue, and diſcourage vice, if he chuſes to make this object the rule of his polity. This would be the ſureſt and ſafeſt method of rendering himſelf abſolute; for as poor Cardinal Wolſey ſays—upon a maxim too late diſcovered— ‘"Corruption wins not more than honeſty."’ Religion itſelf has judged it neceſſary to hold out diſtant rewards and puniſhments, to allure and deter mankind, and kings can only have a right to be ſtiled the vice-gerents of Heaven, when they render theſe ſanctions more immediate. A king is ſaid to have long hands; but they are of no uſe except to wrap himſelf up, while he keeps them folded.
Lewis the Fourteenth happily brought ſuch a golden age to bear, toward the latter part of his il⯑luſtrious reign, if we may give credit to what St. Evremond ſays, in a letter of his to Ninon de l'Enclos.
‘You live in a country where people have ex⯑traordinary advantages towards ſaving their ſouls. There, vice is almoſt as much againſt the faſhion, as againſt virtue. Sinning paſſes for ill-breeding; ſhocks decency, and offends good manners, as much as religion. Formerly, it ſufficed to be [284] wicked; but, at preſent, one muſt be a ſcoundrel, to be damned, in France. They who have not regard enough for another life, are led to ſalva⯑tion by the conſideration and duties of this.’
In order to leave the impreſſion of this moſt in⯑tereſting and moral reflection more ſtrongly on the minds of the great, the powerful, and the opulent, I ſhall here conclude my obſervations on this Piece, ſo fruitful of example and document, throughout.
HENRY the SIXTH.
[]FIRST PART.
Dramatis Perſonae.
[]- HENRY THE SIXTH.
- DUKE OF GLOUCESTER, Protector, and Uncle to the King.
- BISHOP OF WINCHESTER, Cardinal, and Great Uncle to the King.
- RICHARD PLANTAGENET, afterwards Duke of York.
- DUKE OF SOMERSET.
- DUKE OF ALANSON, A French Peer.
- MORTIMER, Earl of March.
- EARL OF WARWICK.
- EARL OF SUFFOLK.
- LORD TALBOT.
WOMEN.
None are brought upon the Scene, throughout the few remarks I have had any opportunity of mak⯑ing on this Play.
HENRY the SIXTH. FIRST PART.
[287]ACT I.
SCENE I.
WINCHESTER, ſpeaking of the death of Henry the Fifth:
We may remember in the former Play, that Henry the Fifth, like a true Chriſtian heroe, imputes all his ſucceſſes immediately to Heaven; but the good Biſhop, I am ſorry to ſay it, like a true prieſt, of thoſe days, here interpoſes between them, and attributes his pro⯑ſperity ſolely to the mediation of the Church.
SCENE V.
There is a good deſcription given of the common Engliſh, in the following ſpeech:
A true phyſical knowledge is here expreſſed. A great part of perſonal courage depends upon the animal ſpirits; and to keep men ſtout, you muſt keep them ſtrong. If philoſophy ſhould be ſo dif⯑ficult as to deny that good feeding can render a ſol⯑diery more brave, it muſt admit, however, that it will render it more ſerviceable, at leaſt; which is all that we mean to contend for here.
ACT II.
[288]SCENE V.
The partiality which we are all apt to manifeſt to⯑wards our own intereſts, is well noted in this place. This principle is ſo powerful in human nature, that it not only engages our affections, but warps our judgments alſo; ſo that it often impoſes on our reaſon, and frequently makes us continue obſtinate, more from error than ſelfiſhneſs. Our opinions dif⯑fer, even in matters of no concernment to us; and how much leſs is it to be expected, that we ſhould be of accord, when we are become a party in the queſtion ourſelves?
Somerſet and Plantagenet being engaged in a warm diſpute, appeal to the umpirage of a third indifferent perſon, with all the ſeeming candor imaginable.
SCENE VI.
There is ſomething extremely moving, in the firſt part of this Scene, which ſhews a priſon from whence old Earl Mortimer is brought forth in a chair, before the gates, attended by his gaolers. He had been unfortunately declared heir to the Crown, by Richard the Second, and was therefore kept a [289] priſoner of State, during the reigns of Henrys the Fourth and Fifth, and continued ſtill in confine⯑ment, under the preſent king alſo.
We are naturally more affected at the diſtreſſes of age, infancy, or women, than with what we ſee ſuffered by the adult or robuſt unfortunate. Our compaſſion riſes in proportion to the weakneſs of the victim, as we become ſenſible of the inability of reſiſtance, along with the weight of the oppreſ⯑ſion.
The earneſt deſire which the unhappy old man expreſſes here, for the relief of death, is very na⯑tural to a perſon in his circumſtances; and can by no means be deemed reprehenſible, in ſuch a ſitua⯑tion, when the completion of the wiſh is not for⯑warded by any act of violence or impatience in the ſufferer.
The firſt expreſſion above, of kind keepers, is moſt tenderly affecting—A noble and a gallant mind is here repreſented as being ſo ſubdued by the hard⯑neſs of its condition, as to be reduced to the morti⯑fying neceſſity of ſoothing and temporizing with the vile miniſters of cruelty and oppreſſion! A ſad ob⯑ject this, indeed!
ACT IV. SCENE I.
[290]Here is given a deſcription of the qualifications which had intitled the firſt Knights of the Garter to that honourable mark of diſtinction, upon the ori⯑ginal inſtitution of the Order; a reſpect to which has been ever ſince ſo minutely attended to, that the ſame dreſſes, badges, and vows of chivalry, have been ſtill preſerved free from all violation. The cha⯑racter likewiſe, we are ſurely to ſuppoſe, has been as critically regarded.
Talbot, to the King and Princes, upon an arraign⯑ment of Sir John Faſtolfe *, Knight of the Garter, for cowardice:
ACT V.
SCENE II.
The following reflection has too often been made, both before and ſince the aera here pointed out. It is ſhocking to humanity, as well as to religion, to think that there ſhould ever have been, and ſhould ſtill continue, ſuch frequent occaſions to repeat it.
In the ſame Scene, when the king is urged to think of marrying, he very properly objects to the [291] propoſal, both on account of his youth, and the neceſſity of applying his mind to the ſtudies becoming his rank and ſituation.
Such conſiderations, it ſeems, were regarded in thoſe days, and in the time of our Author likewiſe, or he would not have commented on the ſubject. Are we grown wiſer?
SCENE VIII.
This ſame topic of matrimony is fully diſcuſſed, and in a more general and liberal manner, in the pre⯑ſent Scene, upon Exeter's objecting to the match propoſed, on account of the Princeſs mentioned not being ſufficiently endowed with fortune.
Theſe arguments are certainly concluſive, in pri⯑vate life; and if reaſons of ſtate may be allowed to ſtand againſt them, in the ſupremeſt rank, I ſhall only conclude my remarks on this Piece, with a line of an old ſong, in favour of our natural and char⯑tered liberties, ‘"If ſo happy's a miller, then who'd be a king!"’
HENRY the SIXTH.
[]SECOND PART.
Dramatis Perſonae.
[]- HENRY the Sixth.
- DUKE OF GLOUCESTER, Uncle to the King.
- CARDINAL BEAUFORT, Biſhop of Wincheſter, Great Uncle to the King.
- DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
- DUKE OF SOMERSET.
- EARL OF SALISBURY.
- EARL OF WARWICK.
WOMEN.
None appear in any of the Scenes here noted.
HENRY the SIXTH. SECOND PART.
[295]ACT II.
SCENE I.
THE King and Glouceſter returned from hawk⯑ing:
Here the king has made a philoſophic reflection on the aſpiring but commendable nature of man; which is improved with a religious ſenſe in the reply:
SCENE III.
When a charge has been exhibited againſt the ducheſs of Glouceſter, for treaſon and ſorcery, the Cardinal, a declared enemy to the duke her huſ⯑band, takes occaſion to inſult him upon this miſ⯑fortune; to which he thus anſwers:
[296]The above is one of Shakeſpeare's juſt delineations of human nature. That ſpirit which could not be ſubdued by any perſonal difficulty or danger, becomes ſuddenly abated, on the mortification ariſing from the ſhame and vice of one ſo nearly and dearly allied to him.
I have been much obliged, throughout this Work, to the Commentators, for not having noted many ſuch paſſages as this. They have rarely touched upon our Author's anatomy of human nature, contenting themſelves, like ſculptors, or painters, with only marking its outward form, its colours and propor⯑tions; the veins, arteries, and finer capillaries of the inward man, remaining often undiſſected.
SCENE VII.
Here the good duke, upon the occaſion of his wife's ignominy and penance, makes a reflection on the general nature of human life, which he illuſtrates with an apt alluſion:
Juſt after this, he ſpeaks of the unhappy woman with a moving tenderneſs; and concludes his ſpeech with a deſcription frequently given by Shakeſpeare, of the baſe nature of the whiffling multitude:
ACT III.
SCENE VII.
The following paſſage needs no comment.
SCENE X.
This whole ſcene is ſo juſtly commended by all the critics, that I ſhall give it to the Reader intire.
The King, Saliſbury, and Warwick, ſtanding by the Cardinal, on his ſick-bed.
[298]The above ſcene cloſes, very properly, with a truly Chriſtian ſentiment, by the King, who is, all through, repreſented by Shakeſpeare as a religious▪ moral, domeſtic, eaſy-tempered man; ‘Famed for mildneſs, peace, and prayer *:’ Juſt ſuch a prince, whoſe very goodneſs, for want of ſenſe and ſpirit, muſt ever render the dupe of Mi⯑niſters, and the ſport of Faction.
No document, no example, are ſo effectual a warn⯑ing to the mind, as the view of a wicked perſon in his laſt moments. This ſpeaks to the heart, as well as to the underſtanding. We then ſee things and actions in their true light, which the falſe glare of gain or pleaſure, or the involved and complicated nature of ſin, are but too apt to hide from our notice. Vice would diſguſt even thoſe that practiſe it, if they did not uſe arts to conceal the vileneſs of it from their own view. We drink liquors out of a cup, which are too foul to bear a glaſs.
He who has betrayed a friend, deceived a miſtreſs, wronged the orphan, or oppreſſed the poor, muſt ſurely never have ſeen a penitent on his death-bed! What deſperate madneſs, then, muſt it be, ever to do a deed, for any advantage in life, which after ſo ſhort—ſo very ſhort—a ſpace of time, we would give a galaxy of worlds to have undone again!
This is the only way of rendering dramatic deaths profitable to the ſpectators. All the pantomime contortions, writhings, and flouncings, of modern repreſentations, cannot poſſibly produce ſuch an ef⯑fect on the audience, as this ſingle expreſſion, He dies, and makes no ſign.
ACT IV. SCENE VIII.
Shakeſpeare lays hold of every occaſion that fairly preſents itſelf, to put his readers out of conceit with greatneſs. And, in truth, the ſtate of kings in ge⯑neral, even the happieſt of them, who are un⯑doubtedly thoſe whoſe power is limited, is not much to be envied. Their public care, if they rule alone, or their private hazard, if they depute the helm, muſt deny them eaſe, the only foundation for earthly happineſs or enjoyment to reſt upon. Kings may, in ſome ſort, be compared to Popiſh idols, which are worſhipped and led about in pageant proceſſion, for the purpoſe of procuring ſome partial wiſh of the people; which if not obtained, however unreaſon⯑able the petition, they are then ſcourged, and laid by in diſgrace.
HENRY THE SIXTH.
[]THIRD PART.
Dramatis Perſonae.
[]- HENRY THE SIXTH.
- EARL OF RICHMOND, a Youth, afterwards Henry the Seventh.
- LORD RIVERS, Brother to the Lady Gray, Wife to Edward Duke of York, afterwards Edward the Fourth.
- LORD CLIFFORD.
- LORD HASTINGS.
- MARGARET OF ANJOU, Queen to Henry the Sixth.
- LADY GRAY, Wife to Edward Duke of York, afterwards Queen.
HENRY the SIXTH. THIRD PART.
[303]MR. Theobald ſuſpects the three parts of this Drama to be ſpurious, on account of ſome obſolete expreſſions in them, alder-lieveſt, unneath, mailed, me-ſeemeth, darraign, exigent, a-brook, &c. *; and Doctor Warburton is of the ſame opinion, from the want of ſpirit and effect in the compoſition. If I was to offer an objection to the authenticity of theſe Pieces, it ſhould be rather from their barrenneſs of ſentiment, or reflection; though I think there is enough of the ſtile and manner of Shakeſpeare, in them all, to evince them to be his.
ACT II.
SCENE III.
There is a natural inſtinct, even ſtronger than that of ſelf-preſervation, implanted in all the brute creation for the ſafety of their young—The ſimpleſt animals manifeſt an art, and the moſt puſillanimous ſhew a courage, in the defence of their progeny; but this, only till they become capable of taking care of themſelves. Account for this Providence, upon the principle of uninſpired mechaniſm, if ye can, ye un⯑philoſophic Sophiſters!
SCENE VI.
The eaſe and ſecurity of the ſubject is finely con⯑traſted with the anxiety and danger of the Prince, in one of our Author's oft-repeated reflections upon this ſubject, in a ſoliloquy made by the King re⯑clining on a hillock, during the warfare between the houſes of York and Lancaſter.
ACT III. SCENE I.
Upon the occaſion of Queen Margaret and War⯑wick's going to France, one to ſolicit the aid of Lewis for Lancaſter, and the other for York, poor Henry makes a very natural reflection, foreboding how the ballance will probably incline, where intereſt holds the ſcales between two ſupplicants, whereof one has only ſomething to aſk, and the other ſome⯑thing to proffer.
In the ſame Scene, this unhappy Prince, who ap⯑pears, throughout, to be more fit for a ſubject, than [306] a king, and yet not the leſs fit to be the latter, for this very reaſon, replies with philoſophy and virtue to the perſon who is going to take him priſoner, and who aſks him,
In the laſt line we may ſee that Shakeſpeare takes one of his many occaſions to humble ambition, and depreciate greatneſs. He is eternally acting the part of the ſlave placed behind the triumphal car; not, indeed, to ſhew his own envy, but to abate another's pride.
ACT IV.
SCENE I.
The true policy of England, with regard to all foreign ſtates, is given here, in a very few words; with a particular hint of miniſterial prudence, re⯑ſpecting all leagues or treaties with France.
SCENE V.
After the obſervation above made, in the Third Scene, Act II. upon the fond inſtinct of all irrational animals for the preſervation of their brood, it would be unjuſt, as well as unphiloſophic too, not to pay a like compliment to our own ſpecies, by quoting a paſſage in this Scene, where the wife of Edward the Fourth marks the ſame kind of tenderneſs and at⯑tention, in a becoming manner, upon hearing that her huſband has been made priſoner by Warwick.
SCENE VII.
Here Shakeſpeare takes an occaſion, by the means of an ex poſt facto prophecy, to pay a compliment to Queen Elizabeth, reſembling the Tu Marcellus eris of Virgil to Livia.
This Earl of Richmond was afterwards Henry the Seventh, and united the two houſes of York and Lancaſter in his own perſon. He was grandfather to Queen Elizabeth.
ACT IV. SCENE VII.
I ſhall here conclude my remarks on this Play, with a truth which is not the leſs worth attending to for being ſpoken by a villain; as this character might have but the better enabled him to aſcertain the fact.
RICHARD THE THIRD.
[]Dramatis Perſonae.
[]- RICHARD, Duke of Glouceſter, afterwards Richard the Third.
- EARL OF RICHMOND, afterwards Henry the Seventh.
- Sons to Edward the Fourth.
- EDWARD, Prince of Wales,
- RICHARD, Duke of York,
- MARQUIS OF DORSET, Son to the Queen of Edward the Fourth, by her former Huſband.
- LORD STANLEY.
- LORD HASTINGS.
- BISHOP OF ELY.
- BRACKENBURY, Lieutenant of the Tower.
- SIR JAMES TYRREL.
- SIR RICHARD RATCLIFF.
- QUEEN of Edward the Fourth.
- LADY ANNE, Widow of the Prince of Wales, Son to Henry the Sixth.
- DUCHESS OF YORK, Mother to Richard the Third.
- COUNTESS OF RICHMOND, Mother to the Earl of Richmond, and Wife to Lord Stanley.
RICHARD the THIRD.
[311]ACT I.
SCENE I.
EVERY repreſentation, either of a ſcene or ſea⯑ſon of peace, is peculiarly ſoothing to the human mind. 'Tis its own moſt natural and pleaſ⯑ing ſtate. But when it is contraſted with the oppo⯑ſite condition of tumult and war, the delight riſes infinitely higher. There are many ſuch deſcriptions as this in Shakeſpeare; and as the imbuing the mind with ſuch contemplations, muſt certainly have a mo⯑ral tendency in it, I am glad to tranſcribe every paſ⯑ſage of the kind I meet with in him.
In the following part of the ſame ſpeech, our poet, zealous for the honour of the human character, moſt artfully contrives to make Richard's wickedneſs appear to ariſe from a reſentment againſt the partia⯑lity of Nature, in having ſtigmatized him with ſo deformed a perſon, joined to an envious jealouſy to⯑wards the reſt of mankind, for being endowed with fairer forms, and more attractive graces. By this [312] admirable addreſs, he moves us to a ſort of compaſ⯑ſion for the misfortune, even while he is raiſing an abhorrence for the vice, of the criminal.
SCENE II.
This long Scene, in which Richard courts Lady Anne, relict of the firſt Prince of Wales, ſon to Henry the Sixth, whom he had murdered, is ſo well known to every one who has ever read or ſeen this Play, that I need not be at the trouble of tranſcrib⯑ing it, though I ſhall take the liberty of remarking on the very improbable concluſion of it.
Women are certainly moſt extremely ill uſed, in the unnatural repreſentation of female frailty, here given. But it may, perhaps, be ſome palliation of his offence, to obſerve that this ſtrange fable was not any invention of the poet; though it muſt indeed be confeſſed that he yielded too eaſy a credence to a fictitious piece of hiſtory, which reſted upon no better authority than the ſame that affirmed the de⯑formity of Richard; which fact has lately, from a concurrence of cotemporary teſtimonies, been ren⯑dered [313] problematical at leaſt, by a learned and inge⯑nious author *.
The concluſion of the Fifth Scene of Act the Fourth, in this Play, where the Queen, widow of Edward the Fourth, after the death of Lady Anne, promiſes her daughter to this tyrant and uſurper, who had killed her ſons, is founded likewiſe upon the ſame diſingenuous authority with the two former paſſages.
SCENE III.
Lord Stanley, upon the Queen's expreſſing a ſu⯑ſpicion that his wife, the counteſs of Richmond, bears her ſome ill will, makes her defence, in a ſpeech which would conduce greatly to the peace of our minds, and the preſerving many of our moſt friendly connections unbroken, if properly attended to, and made the rule of our conduct through life.
The evil report of things ſaid to be ſpoken to the diſadvantage of others, behind their backs, has ſo frequently been found to proceed either from the malice or miſtake of eaves-droppers, liſteners, or in⯑cendiaries, that it ſhould warn us, upon ſuch occa⯑ſions, to ſuſpend our reſentments againſt the perſons charged, till we find the indictment to be grounded on better evidence than thoſe peſts of ſociety the in⯑formers, intermeddlers, or tale-bearers. Beſides which, as is above obſerved, every reaſonable allowance ought to be made for the natural frowardneſs and peeviſhneſs of diſorder, or other uneaſineſs of body or mind, which often ſets us firſt at variance with ourſelves, before it inclines us to quarrel with others
SCENE V.
[314]Shakeſpeare is here again at his frequent reflec⯑tions on the vanity of ambition and the cares of greatneſs.
ACT II.
SCENE II.
When the Queen is lamenting the death of Ed⯑ward the Fourth, the marquis of Dorſet, her ſon by a former huſband, ſays to her,
Shakeſpeare is extremely rich in ſuch ſentiments of piety and reſignation. It is a vaſt eaſe to the diſtreſſed mind, to communicate its griefs to the ear of a friend, though he can only condole, but not relieve them. How infinitely higher, then, muſt the comfort riſe, to repoſe them on the boſom of our God, who can not only conſole, but compenſate them! Chriſt has not taken the ſins alone, but the ſorrows alſo, of mankind upon himſelf, for thoſe who place their hope and put their truſt in him. He not only ſays, "Thy ſins are forgiven thee;" but adds this comfort in affliction, ‘Come unto me, all ye that labour, and are heavy laden, and I will give ye reſt.’
SCENE IV.
[315]There is a natural repreſentation of a diſtempered ſtate, juſt preceding a revolution, given in this Scene.
Three citizens, conferring together on the cir⯑cumſtances of the times, hold the following dialogue together.
Come, come, we fear the worſt, all may be well.
Now nothing can demonſtrate the inveſtigating faculties of Shakeſpeare, more than this paſſage does. He never lived in any times of commotion himſelf, therefore the particular knowledge he here ſhews, in the general nature of ſuch a criſis, muſt be owing more to philoſophy than experience; rather to his own reflection, than any knowledge of hiſtory. I ſpeak with regard to the Engliſh writers only, on ſuch ſubjects; who were all, before his time, moſt barren of obſervation and maxim. And as to the Greek and Roman hiſtoriographers, who were rich in both, the invidious Commentators of our Poet have denied him any manner of acquaintance with ſuch outlandiſh literati; and I alſo, though from a very different principle, have joined iſſue with them before, in this particular *. For learning gives no [316] talents, but only ſupplies the faculty of ſhewing them; and this he could do, without any foreign aſ⯑ſiſtance.
ACT III.
SCENE I.
The poor unhappy Prince of Wales, ſucceſſor to Edward the Fourth, makes a reflection here, ſo becom⯑ing the natural ſpirit of a noble mind, that it muſt raiſe a regret in the Reader, that he was not permitted to l [...]ve and reign over a brave and a free people.
When his wicked uncle Richard appoints the Prince's reſidence at the Tower, till his coronation, he aſks who built that fortreſs? and being told it was Julius Caeſar, he ſays,
SCENE V.
Marry, and will, my lord, with all my heart.
Could any writer but Shakeſpeare have ever thought of ſuch a circumſtance, in the midſt of a deep tragedy, as the ſending an old grave Biſhop on an errand for a leaf of ſtrawberries? and this, in the moſt formal ſcene of the Play too, where the lords are met in council, to ſettle about the day for the corona⯑tion?
But could any writer but himſelf have attempted ſuch a whim, without ſetting the audience a-laughing at the ridiculouſneſs and abſurdity of ſuch an inci⯑dent? And yet he contrives, ſome-how or other, to hold us in awe, all the while; though he muſt be a very ingenious critic, indeed, who can ſupply any ſort of reaſon for the introduction of ſuch a familiar and comic ſtroke, upon ſo ſerious an occaſion. And [317] what renders the ſolution of this paſſage ſtill more difficult, is, that the requeſt is made by a perſon, too, whoſe mind was deeply intent on murder and uſurpation, at the very time.
None of the editors have taken the leaſt notice of this article; and the firſt notion that occurred to me upon it, was, that perhaps Richard wanted to get rid of old Ely, after any manner, however indecent or abrupt, in order to be at liberty to plot with Buck⯑ingham in private; for the moment the Biſhop goes out on his errand, he ſays, ‘Couſin of Buckingham, a word with you.’ But as he did not ſend the reſt of the Council-Board a-packing after him, and adjourn them from the bed of juſtice to the ſtrawberry bed, but retires immediately himſelf with his complotter Buckingham, we cannot ſuppoſe this idea to have been the purpoſe intended by ſo extraordinary a motion.
There is, then, no other way left us to reſolve this text, than to impute it ſolely to the peculiar cha⯑racter that Shakeſpeare has given us all along of this extraordinary perſonage; whom he has repreſented throughout, as preſerving a facetious humour, and exerting a ſort of careleſs eaſe, in the midſt of all his crimes.
I am ſorry not to be able to give a better account of this particular, than what I have here offered; becauſe, if it is to reſt upon ſuch a comment, our author muſt, in this inſtance, be thought to have be⯑trayed a manifeſt ignorance in human nature, or the nature of guilt at leaſt; as no vicious perſon, I do not mean thoſe of profligate manners merely, but no deſigning or determined villain was ever chearful, yet, or could poſſibly be able to aſſume even the ſemblance of careleſſneſs or eaſe, upon any occaſion whatſoever.
[318]In the latter part of this Scene, poor Haſtings, juſt before he mounts the ſcaffold, makes a reflection, which too frequently occurs to thoſe who put their truſt in princes; or, indeed, in general, to all who reſt their hope on any other ſtay but their own upright⯑neſs and virtue.
ACT IV.
SCENE III.
Among the various crimes of man, murder ſtands in a diſtinct claſs above them all; except, perhaps, ſuicide, as being of the ſame ſpecies, may be allowed to rank with, or even to exceed, it. The latter par [...] of this poſition, tho', has been diſputed by ſome mo⯑ral caſuiſts; but I ſhall enter no further into the ar⯑gument here, than juſt to obſerve, that one of theſe acts does not ſhock the human mind ſo much as the other. We are ſenſible of a tenderneſs and compaſ⯑ſion for the unhappy ſelf-devoted victim, but are impreſſed both with an horror and deteſtation againſt the homicide.
But the circumſtance which moſt eminently diſtin⯑guiſhes both of theſe crimes from every other ſpecies of guilt, is their being ſo wholly repugnant to na⯑ture. In other vices, we may ſuffer a temptation, and have only a moral ſtruggle to conquer; but one muſt be trained, be educated to theſe, muſt ſtifle ſympa⯑thy, and overcome our firſt, by a ſecond nature.
And of all murders, from the days of Herod to theſe, the killing a child muſt ſurely raiſe a ſtronger war in the moſt hardened villain's breaſt, than the ſlaughter of an adult. Its innocence, its engaging manners, even its very helpleſſneſs, muſt plead ſo movingly in its defence, as to render the deed, one ſhould think, impoſſible! Might not the idea of a [319] child's coming ſo recently out of the hands of its Creator, ſerve alſo to impreſs an additional awe on the mind of the malefactor, at ſuch a time? If ſu⯑perſtition can ever be excuſed for its weakneſs, it muſt ſurely be in ſuch an inſtance as this.
Shakeſpeare has wrought up an horrid and affect⯑ing picture, in this ſcene, upon the latter part of this ſubject, where he makes one of the murderers give an account of the maſſacre of Edward's two chil⯑dren.
In the latter part of the ſame Scene is expreſſed a juſt and ſpirited maxim, which, I believe, will be ſufficiently vouched by experience, That in difficult matters, quick reſolves and briſk actions generally ſucceed better than ſlow counſels and circumſpect conduct.
Richard, on hearing of the defection of his forces:
SCENE IV.
[320]The temporary relief which an opportunity of expreſſing its ſorrows affords to the mind of a perſon in affliction, is poetically deſcribed in a paſſage here.
Why ſhould calamity be full of words?
ACT V. SCENE V.
In this Scene, the adverſe camps are ſuppoſed to be pitched near each other at night, ready to join battle in the morning; and in the ſpace between, the ſpirits of all the perſons murdered by Richard ariſe, threatening deſtruction to him, and promiſing ſuc⯑ceſs to Richmond. But the ghoſts here are not to be taken literally; they are to be underſtood only as an allegorical repreſentation of thoſe images or ideas which naturally occur to the minds of men during their ſleep, referring to the actions of their lives, whether good or bad.
‘Sweet are the ſlumbers of the virtuous man,’ ſays Addiſon, in his Cato; and a modern writer, in a poem on the ſubject of dreams, moſt emphatically expreſſes himſelf thus:
That this is the ſenſe in which our Poet meant this ſcene to be accepted, is fully evident from his repreſenting both Richard and Richmond to have been aſleep during the apparition, and therefore capable [321] of receiving thoſe notices in the mind's eye only, as Hamlet ſays; which intirely removes the ſeeming abſurdity of ſuch an exhibition.
The ſoliloquy of ſelf-accuſation, which Richard enters upon alone, immediately after the ſpectral viſion is cloſed, though ſo ſtrongly marked, is nothing more than might be ſuppoſed natural, in the circum⯑ſtances and ſituation of the ſpeaker, as there deſcribed.
Who's there?
Ratcliff, I fear, I fear.
Nay, good my lord, be not afraid of ſhadows.
I ſhall here cloſe my obſervations on this Play, with a reflection upon the laſt paragraph above.
[322]Such is the nature of man, that the ſlighteſt alarm, ariſing from within, diſcomfits him more than the greateſt dangers preſenting themſelves from without. Body may be overcome by body, but the mind only can conquer itſelf. Notions of religion are natural to all men, in ſome ſort or other. The good are inſpired by devotion, the bad terrified by ſuperſtition. The admonitions of conſcience are taken for ſuper⯑natural emotions, and this awes us more than any dif⯑ficulty in the common courſe of things. Man has been ſeverally defined a riſible, a rational, a religious, and a baſhful animal. May I take the liberty of add⯑ing the farther criterion of his being a conſcientious one? And this diſtinction, I ſhall venture to ſay, is leſs equivocal than any of the others.
HENRY the EIGHTH.
[]Dramatis Perſonae.
[]- HENRY THE EIGHTH.
- DUKE OF NORFOLK.
- DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
- CARDINAL WOLSEY.
- CARDINAL CAMPEIUS, Legate from the Pope.
- CAPUCIUS, Ambaſſador from the Emperor Charles the Fifth.
- LORD CHAMBERLAIN.
- LORD SANDS.
- SIR THOMAS LOVELL.
- CROMWELL, Secretary to Wolſey.
- GRIFFITH, Gentleman Uſher to Queen Catharine.
- GROOM of the Chambers to the Queen.
- A MESSENGER.
- QUEEN CATHARINE.
- ANNE BULLEN.
- PATIENCE, Lady of the Bed-chamber to the Queen.
HENRY the EIGHTH.
[325]ACT I.
SCENE I.
AS Cardinal Wolſey ſtands a diſtinguiſhed cha⯑racter in hiſtory, having raiſed himſelf from the meaneſt origin * to the higheſt pitch of power, conſideration, and ſtation, that a ſubject could well arrive at, by the ſole advantages of learning and natural endowments; and whoſe end was unfortu⯑nate, through vanity, inſolence, and the unſtable favour of princes; there may be an uſeful leſſon de⯑duced from every circumſtance of his life, reſpecting either his riſe, grandeur, or decline.
In a dialogue between Buckingham and Norfolk, in this Scene, the former ſpeaking of his vanity and preſumption, with that contempt which perſons of noble families and hereditary fortunes are ſometimes too apt to expreſs towards men whoſe whole worth is cen⯑tered in themſelves, the latter engages in his defence, upon a very juſt and liberal argument.
Doctor Young treats the ſame ſubject in as proper a manner, but with the addition of ſatire, and ridicule.
SCENE II.
[326]The angry Duke repeats his ſpleen againſt him in this Scene alſo, upon the ſame proud prejudice, or miſtaken eſtimate of things.
A beggar's-book out-worths a noble's blood.
This moſt noble and puiſſant prince * was unlucky in having lived in ſuch an ignoble age—Nobles meet with no ſuch mortifications, now-a-days.
In the continuation of this dialogue, the impatient ſpirit of Buckingham is finely contraſted with the calm temper of Norfolk, who illuſtrates his docu⯑ments of prudence to him, with equal philoſophy and poeſy.
The Cardinal had juſt croſſed the Scene, in all his ſtate, caſting a look of diſdain on Buckingham, which the more raiſed his choler.
The character which Norfolk here gives to Buck⯑ingham of himſelf, is too common in life: Perſons whoſe ſenſe and judgment are ſufficiently quali⯑fied to direct others, but who, from the force of paſ⯑ſion and indiſcretion, are rendered incapable of guid⯑ing themſelves. To adviſe, and to be adviſed, are by no means the active and paſſive of the ſame verb, as they differ ſo widely in their moods and tenſes. I have made my apology before *, for ſuch jeux de mots, which our Author's ſtile is apt to lead one into.
SCENE IV.
There is an excellent leſſon for kings, given in this place, as well as in many other paſſages of Shakeſpeare. The honour and ſafety of princes are ſo much confided to the ſenſe and conduct of their Miniſters, that ſuch truſtees for the State ſhould be ever ſelected with the niceſt judgment and ſtricteſt impartiality; in which choice, virtue ſhould be at leaſt equally regarded with talents. Were the crown teſtamentary, a ſovereign ſhould be circumſpect to whoſe hands he intruſted the government of his people, even after his death; and how much more ſolicitous ought he to be, with reſpect to thoſe ap⯑pointed to rule, while his own glory and intereſt lie ſo immediately at ſtake!
The great Condé complimented Corneille's Play of Cinna, by ſtiling it The Breviary of Kings—I think that many of Shakeſpeare's pieces much better de⯑ſerve that name. But, indeed, his writings may well [328] challenge a more general and comprehenſive title, and be called the Manual of Mankind; as containing rules and reflections for every ſtate and condition of life, throughout the intire compaſs of human na⯑ture, from the peaſant to the prince.
But before we cloſe this Scene, let us ſhew our impartiality, by ſuffering the Miniſter to ſpeak a few words in his own defence; which he does, very well, by urging reflections that have a good deal of truth in them, and ſhew the danger and difficulty of ſuch a ſtation, even in the beſt and ableſt hands.
SCENE VI.
The following Scene muſt have had an admirable effect, at the time of its firſt repreſentation; nor, indeed, is it paſſed by, even now, without applauſe from the Pit and Galleries, where the moſt rational and virtuous part of our audiences are generally ſeated; though it may, perhaps, be looked upon but as a remain of our antient barbariſm, by the Boxes, among thoſe who have inadvertently choſen to ſtigmatize themſelves by a diſtinction which ac⯑cidentally took its riſe from the very foible here ridiculed; namely, perſons of Faſhion.
What is't for?
ACT II.
SCENE II.
Here the unhappy Buckingham, in his laſt ſpeech, as it may be called, juſt before his execution, on recapitulating the viciſſitudes and misfortunes of his family, makes proper reflections on the indiſcretion of placing a confidence in the fidelity of mean de⯑pendants.
Whether it ariſes from low birth, or baſe condi⯑tion of life, which are apt to depreſs the native vigour of the mind, and render all its principles and ideas ſervile and ſelfiſh, I ſhall not loiter here to [331] make an inquiſition into; it being ſufficient to the preſent argument, that the fact itſelf, from the ex⯑perience of mankind, affords us but too much au⯑thority to pronounce the truth of the obſervation.
I deſigned to have left off above, at the period in the laſt line but four, as the ſpeech ended properly there, as far as it related to the argument I had framed upon it; but I actually felt myſelf impreſſed with ſomewhat like an idea of impiety, to interrupt the ſpeaker, before he had concluded his prayer—I am ſenſible of a certain refined pleaſure, in the ſen⯑timent which prompted my pen further on this paſ⯑ſage; however, the ſtronger mind of the Reader may amuſe himſelf at the weakneſs and ſuperſtition of my motive.
SCENE VI.
The character of Queen Catharine is finely drawn in this Play. A becoming demeanour is preſerved [332] throughout every ſituation and circumſtance ſhe is placed in. She diſcovers that dignity and ſpirit which become the wife and daughter of a king, ſhews the duty and obedience which a huſband and a ſovereign have a right to claim, and ſpeaks, on her own part, with ſuch a noble confidence, as in⯑jured innocence may fully warrant. One can never be too much aſſured, in a juſt cauſe, either of their own, or of others; for whoever defends the rights of the oppreſſed, fights under the banner of Provi⯑dence.
I ſhall not interrupt the following dialogues, as far as they relate to her, to point out the paſſages which may be applied to the ſeveral parts of the character above given of her; but, as in former inſtances of the ſame kind, in the courſe of theſe notes, ſhall leave the Reader to mark and refer them himſelf, as he goes along.
Catharine, Queen of England, come into the court.
Your pleaſure, madam?
Here Wolſey enters into a juſtification of himſelf, in a long ſpeech, which relates not to the preſent pur⯑poſe, in which he demeans himſelf with great reſpect toward the Queen, and ſpeaks in his own defence with all ſeeming moderation and temper—To which ſhe replies:
Here ſhe makes an obeiſſance to the king, and offers to depart the court.
Call her again.
Catharine, Queen of England, come into the court.
Madam, you are called back.
ACT III.
SCENE I.
I ſhall not prevent the Reader's own feelings and reflections upon this fine and affecting Scene, in which the Queen's character is further diſplayed, by any remarks of my own upon the ſeveral parts of it.
Peace to your highneſs!
How, Sir?
He tells you rightly.
Your rage miſtakes us.
Madam, you wander from the good we aim at.
SCENE VI.
[340]The preſent Scene preſents us with a ſecond ob⯑ject of compaſſion, which though it intereſts us after a different manner from the former, as neither being ſo innocent, nor ſuffering ſo unjuſtly; yet, ſhall I hazard the expreſſion? affects us almoſt as much. We do not, indeed, feel our minds impreſſed with ſuch a tender ſenſibility towards the latter, as the firſt; but, for the honour and dignity of human nature, let me ſay, that our commiſeration, in the ſecond caſe, ariſes from principles of a nobler kind; from our forgiveneſs of the penitent, and our com⯑paſſion for his misfortunes, ſoftened ſtill more by our ſorrow for his guilt: ſo that, upon the whole, the generoſity of our ſentiment, in one inſtance, nearly equals the ſympathy of it, in the other.
The true ſupputation of the precariouſneſs and inſtability of all worldly happineſs and greatneſs, with the fit temper and reſignation to bear their loſs, are moſt pathetically and poetically ſet forth, in the following beautiful and affecting ſcene.
I have no power to ſpeak, Sir.
How does your grace?
I'm glad your grace has made that right uſe of it.
God bleſs him!
That's news, indeed.
Good Sir, have patience.
ACT IV. SCENE II.
Our firſt great object, before mentioned, is here preſented to us again, to charm us with that truly Chriſtian ſpirit, with which, though deeply ſuffering under the ſuppoſed enmity of Wolſey, ſhe not only forgives him her injuries, but liſtens to his praiſe without reſentment, and even commends his honeſt Welch encomiaſt.
How does your grace?
Alas, poor man!
Here the Reader will pleaſe to advert to my re⯑mark on the viſion in Scene the Fifth of the laſt Act of the preceding Play. This one alſo was meant by Shakeſpeare but as an allegorical repreſentation of thoſe beatific dreams, or reveries, which the vir⯑tuous mind, and clear conſcience, may be ſuppoſed ſometimes to be inſpired with.
Madam, the ſame; your ſervant.
Madam, in good health.
No, madam.
Moſt willing, madam.
Doctor Johnſon has given us his ſentiments on this rich and noble paſſage, in the following words:
LEAR.
[]Dramatis Perſonae.
[]- LEAR.
- ALBANY.
- KENT.
- GLOSTER.
- EDGAR.
- EDMUND.
- FOOL.
- Gentlemen and Attendants.
- GONERIL.
- REGAN.
- CORDELIA.
Scene lies in Britain.
LEAR.
[351]IT may be neceſſary to many Readers to premiſe, that the Piece here under conſideration, is the Play as originally written by Shakeſpeare, left the bearing it in mind as altered by Tate, and generally acted ſo, might occaſion confuſion or miſtakes, in the following notes and obſervations.
The Critics are divided in their opinions between the original and the altered copy. Some prefer the firſt, as a more general repreſentation of human life, where fraud too often ſucceeds, and innocence ſuf⯑fers: others prefer the latter, as a more moral de⯑ſcription of what life ſhould be.
But argument in this, as in many other caſes, had better be left quite out of the queſtion; for our feel⯑ings are often a ſurer guide than our reaſon; and by this criterion I may venture to pronounce, that the reader or ſpectator will always be better pleaſed with the happy, than the unfortunate, cataſtrophe of innocence and virtue.
Beſides, if Dramatic exhibitions are deſigned, as they certainly ſhould be, to recommend virtue and diſcourage vice, there cannot remain the leaſt man⯑ner of diſpute in our minds, whether Shakeſpeare or Tate have fulfilled Horace's precept of utile dulci the beſt. However, if pity and terror, as the Critics ſay, are the principal objects of Tragedy, ſurely no Play that ever was written can poſſibly anſwer both theſe ends better than this performance, as it ſtands in the preſent text.
The Reader, I hope, will not think that I have exceeded the line I had preſcribed to myſelf, in the conduct of this Work, by my hazarding the above criticiſm, as the ſubject may be ſtill conſidered as of [352] a moral nature or tendency, and may, therefore, not improperly be conſorted with the reſt of my remarks upon this eſtimable author.
ACT I.
SCENE I.
I thought the king had more affected the duke of Albany, than Cornwall.
It did always ſeem ſo to us; but, now, in his diviſion of the kingdom, it appears not which of the dukes he values moſt; for qualities are ſo weighed, that curioſity † in neither can make choice of either's moiety.
This is a fine deſcription of a parent's diſtributive juſtice, in the diviſion of a fortune between his chil⯑dren. Their claims are all equal in nature, and ſhould be ſtill preſerved ſo in equity, except where particular uſages may have obtained, or political laws have made a difference; in which caſes, to ob⯑ſerve the rule of nature would be a ſpecies of in⯑juſtice.
I ſpeak here with regard to conduct; of principle only, and not of affection; for 'tis often impoſſible for the moſt virtuous or impartial parent to refrain from loving one child better than another. A inn⯑diſcriminate regard, in any caſe, towards two objects, though ever ſo much alike or eſtimable, is unnatural to the moſt impartial mind; and though our reaſon ſhould not be able to give a preference, our feelings will.
The oft-diſputed free will of man may be ſuffi⯑ciently proved from this innate ſelf-determination, which his mind poſſeſſes. We muſt make a choice, even without our being able to make a diſtinction. It muſt be an aſs, indeed, that can remain in ſuſ⯑pence even between two bundles of hay. But this in⯑voluntary election we are not anſwerable for in [353] ethics; we are accountable only for our manner of acting towards our children; in which their moral merits alone can juſtify ſuperior marks of preference or favour.
SCENE II.
This is a rational, a manly, and a virtuous pur⯑poſe. But how few are poſſeſſed of ſouls great enough to relinquiſh greatneſs! Indeed, the rare ex⯑amples of thoſe who have done ſo, as Charles the Fifth, and ſome others, would not encourage one to make the experiment. But then it ought to be en⯑quired into, whether the inſtances of abdication had been prompted by any of the principles above-men⯑tioned, or no; for mere fits of devotion, or diſguſt, are ſeldom long or ſtrong enough, to ſupport the mind under ſuch a dereliction.
Beſides, habit is a moſt powerful thing; and per⯑ſons uſed to occupation of any kind, are apt to feel an irkſome vacuity and wearineſs in themſelves, with an oppreſſive tediouſneſs of time lying on their hands, whenever they ceaſe from employment. This has been the confeſſion of all the merchants, lawyers, farmers, and phyſicians, I have ever known, or heard of, who had retired from their profeſſions, or quitted their ordinary ſcenes of action, late in life. When⯑ever, therefore, ſuch an experiment is attempted, it ſhould ariſe from a principle, not from a preference; becauſe the choice muſt be ventured upon, before the compariſon can be tried.
In the ſame Scene, when Lear requires his three daughters to declare the ſeveral portions of their love and reſpect towards him, the eldeſt addreſſes herſelf to him thus:
Upon this ſpeech, the youngeſt daughter ſays to herſelf, aſide, ‘What ſhall Cordelia do? Love, and be ſilent.’
After Goneril has had her portion marked out, the ſecond ſteps forward, in order to earn her's.
Here the ſincere and unprofeſſing Cordelia whiſpers to herſelf again:
When Lear has endowed Regan alſo, he next proceeds to challenge Cordelia upon the ſame queſ⯑tion; aſking her what ſhe has to ſay, to ſhew her love equal to her ſiſters; her only anſwer is, ‘Nothing, my lord.’
But, indeed, what was there left for her to ſay, after ſuch hyperbolical profeſſions as had been juſt made before her? However, I dare pronounce, that any reader, who is at all acquainted with human na⯑ture, without looking any further into the ſtory, be⯑yond the preſent ſcene, muſt have already determined the point in his own mind, which of the daughter's duties or affections were moſt to be relied upon.
No paſſion can either bear or juſtify exaggeration, but love alone. There the extravagance of tranſ⯑port, and the enthuſiaſm of devotement, prove the [355] luxuriance of the ſoil; but in every other inſtance, betray the ſterility of it. There is, in reality, no other paſſion in the human breaſt, but love. All other affec⯑tions, ſuch as avarice, duty, envy, revenge, or am⯑bition, ariſe from ſome foreign ſentiment, are founded on principle, or inſtigated by vice or pride. Theſe we may be educated, tempted, or provoked to; but the former is a ſpontaneous and involuntary impulſe of the ſoul, a certain attractive force, that can nei⯑ther be dictated to us by moral, nor reſtrained by document.
SCENE VI.
Thus do all profligates, who deſerve to be the outcaſts of ſociety, betake themſelves to the aſylum of Nature. Whenever the laws of God or man oppoſe their vices, they immediately adopt her for their deity and their legiſlator; whom they cannot fail to find a moſt indulgent patroneſs, as they are ſure to interpret all their own wills and paſſions to be her unerring dictates.
Lucretius, the expoſitor of Epicurus, in his un⯑philoſophic poem on the nature of things, addreſſes himſelf to the ſame goddeſs, under the appellation of Venus, whom he makes to precede and ſuperſede the gods, repreſenting them as a ſet of lethargic beings of [356] her creation, and leaving them to doze away their immortalities wrapt up in their empyreal Pantheon.
The pride of man is amazing! Rather than ac⯑knowledge any Intelligence ſuperior to themſelves, they chuſe to refer the manifeſt wiſdom and power of the Deity to blind chance, and inert matter alone!
"And call God's providence a lucky hit."
And yet this can hardly be deemed impious, becauſe 'tis ſo miſerably ſtupid.
SCENE VII.
Shakeſpeare, as I have had opportunities of ob⯑ſerving before, takes frequent occaſions of repreſent⯑ing the horrid condition of a nation under the in⯑fliction of a civil war. His deſcriptions deſerve to be collected together into one chapter, as a document both to prince and people; for the warning is equally neceſſary to each; as, whatever may be the final event, they muſt be alike ſufferers, under ſuch a ca⯑lamity. For in ſuch a conflict, thoſe are likely to gain moſt, who have the leaſt to loſe. Theſe reflec⯑tions refer to the following paſſage in this Scene.
Love cools, friendſhip falls off, brothers divide. In cities, mutinies; in countries, diſcord; in palaces, treaſon; and the bond crack'd 'twixt ſon and father. We have ſeen the beſt of our time. Machinations, hollowneſs, treachery, and all ruinous diſorders, follow us diſquietly to our graves.
SCENE VIII.
The impious and unphiloſophic method that peo⯑ple are too generally apt to apply toward the lighten⯑ing of their conſciences, and relieving their miſeries, by imputing their vices and misfortunes to fate, ne⯑ceſſity, or the harmleſs ſtars preſiding at their births, inſtead of their own wickedneſs or indiſcretions, is well ſatirized and expoſed in the following ſpeech, though it has not, I think, been put into a proper mouth to ſpeak.
This is the excellent foppery of the world, that when we are ſick in fortune, often the ſurfeits of our own behaviour, we [357] make guilty of our own diſaſters the ſun, the moon, and ſtars; as if we were villains on neceſſity; fools, by heavenly compu [...]ſion; knaves, thieves, and treacherous, by ſpherical predominance; drunkards, lyars, and adulterers, by an enforced obedience of planetary influence; and all that we are evil in, by a divine thruſting on. An admirable evaſion of whore-maſter man, to lay his goatiſh diſpoſition on the change of a ſtar!
SCENE XII.
Kent here gives a good character of a man, in recommending his own ſervices to Lear: ‘I do profeſs to be no leſs than I ſeem; to ſerve him truly that will put me in truſt; to love him that is honeſt; to converſe with him that is wiſe, and ſays little; to fear judgment *; and to fight when I cannot chuſe †.’
SCENE XIII.
The following paſſage comes in here very properly, after the foregoing one; as it gives good and prudent advice for our conduct in life.
Theſe maxims ſhould not loſe their credit or ef⯑fect, on account of the character which utters them; for Shakeſpeare's fools are not thoſe of modern times, but ſpeak a great deal of good ſenſe throughout all his Plays. Beſides, theſe ſort of privileged perſons, ſtiled formerly kings' jeſters, were uſually men of wit and parts, a ſort of free ſpeakers, who were indulged [358] in a liberty of telling truths, or making reflections on their maſter's conduct, without being reprehended or reſtrained. And as they were the only courtiers who were permitted ſuch a licence, they deſerved more properly to be deemed the king's friends, than to have been ſtigmatized by either of the other denominations.
SCENE XV.
The curſes which the juſtly provoked father de⯑nounces here, againſt his unnatural daughters, are ſo very horrid and ſhocking to humanity, that I ſhall not offend my Reader by quoting them; though Shakeſpeare, I am convinced, ſupplied them merely in order to raiſe an abhorrence in his audience, againſt two of the greateſt crimes in the black liſt of deadly ſins, namely, ingratitude and undutifulneſs; and to ſhew, as the injured parent moſt emphatically ex⯑preſſes it, in the ſame paſſage,
ACT II.
SCENE VI.
In this ſame Scene, and upon account of Kent's warmth and impatience of ſpeech and temper, though ſtill under the diſguiſe of an hireling attendant on Lear, there is a very good deſcription given of ſuch a perſon as he appears to be; a character frequently to be met with in life, though the ſpeaker is miſ⯑taken in the application of it to the honeſt Duke, who might very properly be ſaid, in the ſenſe of the expreſſion above given, to have been the King's friend.
SCENE X.
When Gloſter makes an apology to Lear, here, for not preſſing his ſon, the duke of Cornwal, a ſecond time, to an interview with him, on account of the fiery quality of the Duke, as alſo having brought an anſwer from him that he was not well, the injured Monarch reſents it thus:
The ſurprize and reſentment expreſſed in the firſt part of the above ſpeech, is juſt and natural; but the pauſe of recollection which afterwards abates his anger, is extremely fine, both in the reaſonable⯑neſs of the reflection, and the humanity of the ſentiment.
This beautiful paſſage, with many others of the ſame tender kind, which follow in the courſe of developing Lear's character, and which I ſhall oc⯑caſionally refer back from to this note, render this unhappy man a real object both of commiſeration and eſteem, notwithſtanding the weakneſs, paſſion, and injuſtice he has ſo fully expoſed in the beginning of this Play.
No writer that ever lived was capable of draw⯑ing a mixed character, equal to Shakeſpeare; for no one has ever ſeemed to have dived ſo deep into [360] Nature, as himſelf.—Frequent inſtances of this ad⯑mirable talent in him, may be ſelected from his Works. Moſt other authors, in their deſcriptions of men, preſent us either with a flowery mead, or a ſavage deſart; but the demeſne of human nature, which includes both the fruitful field and the barren waſte, within one incloſure, is rarely delineated by common writers.
SCENE XII.
Here poor Lear ſeems to make ſome kind of amends for his former violence; for though the provocation continues ſtill the ſame, nay rather, in⯑deed, is increaſed by the repetition of it, yet he contents himſelf, in this place, with barely upbraid⯑ing and reviling the offender, but refrains from add⯑ing curſes to his reproaches.
Human nature is equally diſcernible in both theſe inſtances. The ſuddenneſs of his rage, on the firſt in⯑jury, might have wreſted thoſe anathemas from him, involuntarily; but before the ſecond occaſion preſented itſelf, his fury had had time to abate, and he then reſtrains his ſpeech within the bounds of a [...]uſtifiable reſentment.
ACT III.
SCENE II.
Here's a night, that pities neither wiſe men, nor fools.
[361]He muſt be very ignorant of human life, who does not know that as the ſun ſhines equally on the juſt and the unjuſt, ſo ſickneſs, perils, and afflictions are alike the caſual portion of the good and bad, the wiſe and fooliſh. But then all this happens without the leaſt manner of imputation upon Providence—For this world is not a ſtate of retribution—And, in reality, it would be a moſt uncomfortable reflection, if it was; for then we could have no reaſon to preſume a fond and flattering hope upon a better.
SCENE III.
Can there be a finer paſſage, or a more admoni⯑tory one, than this? If, upon all our dangers or ca⯑lamities, we ſhould enter thus into a ſtrict ſelf-exa⯑mination of our conſciences and conduct, it might naturally produce a moſt ſalutary effect on our future lives; as, on ſuch a ſcrutiny we ſhould, perhaps, oftener find our misfortunes to be, not our diſeaſes, but our medicines; and from thence be brought to ſay, with the Pſalmiſt, Happy has it been for me, that I have been afflicted!
In the ſame Scene, Lear, ſpeaking to the Fool, who was appointed to ſhew him the way to Edgar's hovel, where he might be able to ſhelter himſelf from the ſtorm, ſays,
[362]The truth of this obſervation is too obvious from experience, to need being inſiſted on; but I ſhall here add the remainder of the ſpeech, as it may be referred to, and helps to juſtify, the ſecond para⯑graph of my remark on the Tenth Scene above, in the former Act.
SCENE V.
When they have arrived near the hovel, Lear changes his purpoſe, on account of a reaſon he afterwards gives, regarding the diſtracted ſtate of his mind; and being preſſed by Kent, who juſt then joins him, to take ſhelter from the outrage of the night, he cries, ‘Let me alone.’ And being intreated, a ſecond time, he repeats the ſame anſwer. But upon being further urged by the kind earneſtneſs of his poor ſervant, which Kent ſtill preſerves the appearance of, he then exclaims, with emotion, ‘Wilt break my heart?’
How truly affecting is this ſhort expoſtulation, if quickly conceived? It was not the importunity of Kent, that he meant to obſerve upon; the expreſſion needed not to have been ſo tender, to have marked ſuch an offence: Princes are apt to reſent the con⯑trolement of their wills or actions, in a ſeverer ſtile. But it was the inſtantaneous compariſon between the barbarity of his own daughters, which had reduced him to ſuch a wretched condition, and the humanity of a common alien kindly preſſing him to a ſhelter from it, that ſo ſuddenly ſtruck and affected his mind, at that moment—This thought, indeed, might well be ſaid to break his heart; and to have added a ſingle word more, to explain this ſentiment, would have marred the whole beauty of the paſſage.
[363]Upon Kent's ſtill continuing his entreaty, he ſtill refuſes to comply, but reaſons with him thus:
This is the true nature of the human mind; the greater evil always ſwallowing up the leſſer, as the rod of Moſes did the other ſerpents. And in great calamities I do not know but it might, perhaps, be an advantage to have ſome other ills of an inferior nature to combat with, at the ſame time; for, as Lear ſays, juſt after, as his reaſon for refuſing to take ſhelter,
When he conſents, at laſt, to enter the hut, he preſſes his two attendants to go in firſt, ſaying, ‘I'll pray, and then I'll ſleep.’
Upon which he immediately falls into the follow⯑ing beautiful apoſtrophe:
Here alſo, I ſhall beg leave to refer the Reader back to the ſecond paragraph of my remark on the Tenth Scene of the Second Act.
[364]This puts me in mind of two good lines, on the ſame ſubject, which I met with in a very pretty little moral Poem, lately publiſhed *.
SCENE IX.
He utters this reflection, upon conſidering the comparative diſtreſſes to which Lear had been re⯑duced; and his obſervation being drawn both from nature and the immediate object then before him, has a double beauty and force in this place, and ſhould be remembered and applied, in all ſuch caſes. Let us compare our own ills with thoſe of others, eſpecially of perſons, who from their ſuperior rank and fortune may be ſuppoſed to be better defended from injury than ourſelves, and it may conduce to render our minds often more acquieſcent in our own ſufferings.
ACT IV.
SCENE I.
Shakeſpeare gives us, here, a poetical paraphraſe on the flattering old Engliſh proverb, that when things are at the worſt, they'll mend. He has com⯑menced the ſpeech with a noble and liberal ſenti⯑ment, [365] and concludes it with a reflection drawn from the adage, in theſe lines:
That is, If the viciſſitudes of life did not ſuffer us to amuſe our ſufferings ſtill with hope, few would have patience enough to wait 'till old age ſhould bring its ſlow relief to all our cares.
This is a truth often verified in life; but the moſt general inſtances are, that women and children are ſafer from harms, than men are—They hazard leſs, from being leſs able to achieve.
This is a moſt impious and unphiloſophic reflec⯑tion. Poor Gloſter ſeems, by this expreſſion, to have been rather ſoured, than ſoftened, by his mis⯑fortunes; which his attempted ſuicide afterwards proves ſtill further. Such a ſentiment muſt certainly ſurprize us, in Shakeſpeare, when uttered by a per⯑ſon of ſo good a character as Gloſter—It could not ſo offend, in the mouth of Edmund, though better not ſpoken at all.
Lear had before given us the ſame moral, as taken notice of in my remark on the Fifth Scene of the former Act; but I have quoted this paſſage, notwithſtanding, as containing a ſentiment which cannot be too often inculcated. Offer it as a pro⯑poſition, and all the world will agree with you in the precept; but make it a propoſal, and how few will join iſſue in the practice!
SCENE II.
When this good Duke is reproaching his wife, here, for the barbarous treatment ſhe had given her father, ſhe interrupts him with, ‘No more—'Tis fooliſh.’
To which he replies, very juſtly,
It is, indeed, too much the horrid nature of vice and folly, not only to rejoice in its own wickedneſs and weakneſs, but, as Albany ſays, to depreciate all wiſdom and goodneſs in others. The Moor would have all faces black.
He ſays, further on in the ſame ſpeech,
This ſentiment was as emphatically expreſſed, be⯑fore, on the cloſe of the laſt Scene of the former Act, by two mean attendants who were witneſſes to the cruelties exerciſed by Cornwal and Regan, on Gloſter's eyes; but I forbore to quote it, 'till I came to this paſſage.
But to return again to the Scene with Albany and Goneril.
She replies to his humane remonſtrances and juſt reproaches, in theſe words:
On which Albany exclaims,
What ſhe means by the laſt lines, is, that it is neceſſary to guard againſt foreſeen evils, as well as to defend againſt thoſe that preſs us; but fools be⯑ing too ſhort-ſighted to ſee the prevention in the puniſhment, are apt to bewail the ſufferer.
SCENE III.
The honeſt old king's friend having ſent off this perſon with diſpatches to Cordelia, then Queen of France, importing the miſerable ſituation of her father, queſtions him here, on his return, what kind of effect the peruſal of his letter had upon her; and nothing, ſurely, can be more beautiful, nor more intereſting, than the deſcription he gives of that fine ſtruggle between patience and ſorrow, which ſhe manifeſted upon this occaſion; with the delicacy and [368] decency of her quick retiring from view, when ſhe found her grief beginning to maſter her philoſophic ſeemings.
Theobald hints that Shakeſpeare had borrowed this fine picture of Cordelia's grief, from Joſeph, in Holy Writ, who being no longer able to reſtrain his affections, ordered his retinue from his preſence, and then wept aloud.
SCENE VII.
The adulation and hyperbolical flattery which princes are too generally abuſed by, is well expoſed here:
They flattered me like a dog, and told me I had white hairs in my beard, ere the black ones were there—To ſay ay, and [369] no, to every thing that I ſaid—Ay and no too, was no good divi⯑nity—When the rain came to wet me once, and the wind to make me chatter; when the thunder would not peace at my bidding; there I found them, there I ſmelt them out. Go to, they are not men of their words—They told me I was every thing; 'tis a lie, I am not ague-proof.
The great Canute took a method of reproving the ſycophants of his court, who affected to treat him as a God, by ſtanding on the beach till the ſea ſurrounded him, notwithſtanding his ſtern beheſt to the tide to arreſt its courſe.
SCENE VIII.
A perſon, here, who has been witneſs to one of the Scenes of Lear's madneſs, makes this very na⯑tural reflection:
Strict philoſophy, perhaps, may not admit of ſuch a diſtinction in men, merely from the difference of outward circumſtances alone; but the habits and opinions of the world will always operate both on our ſentiments and feelings, on a compariſon, to the full extent of the maxim here laid down.
Beſides, indeed, without having the leaſt manner of reſpect to perſons, that ſuperior degree of cala⯑mity which can be capable of piercing through the ſtronger ſhields of ſtation, opulence and power, be⯑fore it can inflict its arrows upon princes, muſt, doubtleſs, render them ſtill greater objects of com⯑miſeration, than thoſe whoſe condition in life may be ſuppoſed to lye more open to the ordinary aſſails of misfortune. See my remark upon the laſt Scene of the former Act.
Gloſter ſeems to have the ſame ſenſe of things, when in the following Scene he expreſſes a ſurprize, that becauſe Lear is diſordered in his ſenſes, he ſhould ſtill be able to retain his own: though, indeed, he makes but a ſad deduction from the reflection.
SCENE IX.
When Edgar, by killing of Goneril's ſteward, gets poſſeſſion of the diſpatches he was carrying to the enemy, he takes a reſolution to open them; which he prefaces thus:
But, however certain reaſons of State may poſſibly render ſuch an action neceſſary, there is ſomething in it, notwithſtanding, at which the liberal and in⯑genuous mind naturally revolts. ‘Beyond the fixed and ſettled rules, &c.’ The compariſon he makes, indeed, is certainly ſtrong, in favour of the leſſer evil, regarding merely the ſimple poſition of the queſtion; but then he ſhould have reſtrained himſelf to the ſaying the latter was more reaſonable or humane, than have pronounced it to be more law⯑ful For it is this very circumſtance, the legality of the former Act, which marks the difference between them; and which, though ſevere, yet being founded on the maxims of the Civil-Law, that ‘no perſon ſhall be convict of a crime, without his own con⯑feſſion *,’ appears to be more juſtifiable, in the conſtitution of things, than even a milder act, which has no ſuch principle to ſupport it; nay, which rather militates, as in this caſe it apparently does, againſt that very maxim; by obtaining a ſurrepti⯑tious proof of guilt, without confeſſion; beſides the compaſſing it, by an ungenerous baſeneſs.
SCENE X.
[371]The following ſpeech is replete with filial tender⯑neſs, as well as exceſs (if that can poſſibly be) of humanity.
ACT V.
SCENE I.
There is a noble and a juſt maxim delivered in the following ſpeech, though not, indeed, very con⯑ſonant with the profligate notions of antient barba⯑riſm, commonly called heroiſm.
SCENE V.
When Lear and Cordelia are brought in priſoners, the latter aſks if they may not be permitted to a conference with theſe daughters and theſe ſiſters, in hopes of working on their compaſſion to ſet them free—To which Lear anſwers, with that mixture of extravagance and ſound ſenſe which ſo obviouſly run through the whole of his delirium,
In the above ſpeech, beſides the wildneſs of the firſt part, which is, however, extremely affecting, for paſſion moves us more than reaſon, there is, here, as in all this poor king's rhapſodies, as hinted be⯑fore, a document in madneſs, which excellently de⯑ſcribes the character of the old Quid Nunc's, ſo well ridiculed in the Spectator; indeed of the Coffee⯑houſe Politicians of all times; and which well re⯑bukes the idle preſumption of thoſe vain ignorants, who pretend to canvaſs the myſteries of ſtate, and inveſtigate the arcana of government, as if they were of a ſuperior order of intelligence, without any knowledge in the ſcience of civil polity, or the leaſt capacity for the arts of empire.
Such intermeddlers, by working themſelves in to be the demagogues of the populace, have often per⯑plexed councils, and ſometimes overthrown kingdoms. For as it is the Few who govern, in all ſtates, their ſtrength muſt neceſſar [...]ly be founded more in autho⯑rity, than force; and when once rule or royalty have been rendered the objects of general diffidence or contempt, what curb is there left to reſtrain the Many?
SCENE VI.
A reſpect for regality, ſupported by a juſt claim, is ever ſo ſtrongly impreſſed in the general boſom [373] of a people, that rebels never think they can ſuffi⯑ciently ſecure themſelves againſt it. From whence the common ſaying, that princes ſeldom remove from a priſon, but to a grave. This thought is well ex⯑preſſed in the following ſpeech:
SCENE VIII.
After Edgar has wounded and vanquiſhed Edmund, he makes the following reflection:
There have been ſuch frequent inſtances in life, of the above obſervation, that thoſe vices which we have moſt indulged ourſelves in, have become the peculiar means of our chaſtiſement, that it might naturally lead us into a belief, that this may, poſſi⯑bl [...], be one, among the many ſecret ways of Pro⯑vidence, with its creatures.
At leaſt the adaptions have often been ſo very ex⯑traordinary and remarkable, that it might tempt one to ſuppoſe there muſt have been ſomething more than the common caſualty or contingency of events, in ſuch caſes. I could wiſh, however, for the ſake of morals, to encourage the perſuaſion, and render it univerſal.
The difference of natures, between Albany, a man of virtue, and conſequently of a compaſſionate diſpoſition, and Edmund, a vicious perſon, and, of courſe, of blunted feelings, is well marked in the above dialogue. The latter would have the ſad ſtory continued, but the former intreated to hear no more of it. And Edgar has well obſerved upon theſe oppoſed characters, in the preface he makes to the ſecond part of his tale.
SCENE IX.
The ſame Albany, however, immediately after, upon ſeeing the dead bodies of Goneril and Regan brought in, ſays,
Here a haſty Reader might be apt to think, [...]hat the good Duke had forfeited his character for h [...]manity, a little, in this inſtance; but there is ſomething inimitably juſt and fine in the paſſage. We certainly feel ourſelves differently affected to⯑wards the wretched in the common lot of life, and [375] thoſe who ſeem to be diſtinguiſhed as the more im⯑mediate objects of divine chaſtiſement. Our minds, in the latter caſe, become impreſſed with a ſort of pious awe, which reſtrains our compaſſion, leſt the too free indulgence of it might ſeem to arraign the juſtice of Providence.
This is a trait of human nature, ſo very little obvious to common capacities, that though all muſt have been ſenſible of the feeling, ſo few have had penetration enough to inveſtigate the cauſe, that I dare ſay many have been aſhamed to confeſs it, as imputing it to a deficiency of tenderneſs in their own hearts.
SCENE X.
This Play concludes with the following moſt ex⯑cellent moral:
It were a conſummation devoutly to be wiſhed, that the examples of this precept were more numerous in the world, than they are—'Tis a peculiar reproach to the character which utters it, when they are not. Albany was a king. See my laſt reflection upon Henry V.
TIMON.
[]Dramatis Perſonae.
[]- TIMON.
- ALCIBIADES.
- APEMANTUS.
- VENTIDIUS.
- LUCULLUS.
- LUCIUS.
- SEMPRONIUS.
- SENATORS.
- POET.
- PAINTER.
- FLAVIUS.
- OLD ATHENIAN.
- STRANGERS.
- SERVANTS.
- NONE.
TIMON.
[379]ACT I.
SCENE I.
This remark is extremely juſt; that the flattery which paraſites or needy clients are apt indiſcrimi⯑nately to ſquander upon their patrons, leſſens the value of praiſe to the deſerving few. We will admit a lover to compliment his miſtreſs beyond her merits, becauſe he may be ſuppoſed, from the blindneſs of his paſſion, not to intend any exagge⯑ration; as has been already taken notice of, on a paſſage in the preceding Play *. But, in every other ſuch caſe, we ſin with our eyes open; and there⯑by offend againſt that great and univerſal moral, which ought to be the principal rule both of our words, our thoughts, and our actions — namely, Truth.
In the continuance of the ſame Scene, in a dia⯑logue between the Poet and a Painter, the former ketches out the plan of a moral or didactic Poem [...]e was then compoſing, for the warning and inſtruc⯑tion of his great patron, the Lord Timon; in which there is much merit, both in the deſign and contri⯑vance of the piece, as well as in the deſcription of it.
The firſt ſpeech, in the above dialogue, well de⯑ſcribes the general and truly moral ſatire, and pro⯑perly diſtinguiſhes it from the baſtard, or invidious kind of perſonal invective, ſtiled the libel or lam⯑poon:
SCENE II.
Timon, upon hearing of his friend Ventidius being thrown into a gaol, ſays to the meſſenger,
The laſt lines contain a noble ſentiment of friend⯑ſhip, charity, and generoſity—It has merit enough in itſelf, to ſtand alone; but would have double the effect on an hearer, if pronounced by a perſon of a more prudent and provident character.
This thought is beautifully expreſſed, in an old Elegy written on the good biſhop Boulter, who died Primate of Ireland, ſome years ago:
Timon ſays, ſoon after, in the ſame dialogue,
And again, in Scene V. (for I chuſe to collect like ſentiments under the ſame head) he ſays to [382] Ventidius, who comes to thank him for his friend⯑ſhip, and to repay the debt,
But to return to our former Scene—When Timon aſks the old Athenian whether his daughter likes the young man that courts her, he replies,
This is a ſenſible and philoſophic reflection, and ſhould be more attended to, than it generally is: for there are no perſons fit to educate, to guide, or inſtruct young people, but thoſe who have not for⯑gotten their own youth. Parents and grand-parents are apt, too often, to require their children and grand-children ſhould benefit of their earned know⯑ledge and long experience, and ſo go on from thence, improving ſtill in ſenſe and virtue. It would be a happy thing, indeed, if we could put morals on the foot of ſcience, which is thus progreſſive; but they muſt be very ignorant of human nature, who expect it.
"Old folks," as an ingenious modern author expreſſes it, ‘would have young ones as wiſe as themſelves; without conſidering that they muſt be fools, if they were ſo *.’ Meaning, for he does not ſtay to explain himſelf, that they muſt be per⯑ſons of dull, phlegmatic natures, without paſſions, without ſenſibility, and conſequently incapable of improvement or virtue.
Whenever I have happened to obſerve what are called the virtues of age to be innate in youth, I have naturally expected to meet with the vices of it there alſo; and have but rarely found any one of ſuch character uninfected with ſelfiſhneſs or avarice.
[383]When Timon receives a portrait from the Painter, he makes a ſatirical reflection upon it, which, tho' too juſt in itſelf, ſeems to be a good deal out of character in him, at that time; as being previous to the experience which ſoon after might have inſtructed him to have made it.
SCENE III.
Apemantus, on ſeeing and hearing much embrac⯑ing and profeſſing between Timon and Alcibiades, mutters thus to himſelf: ‘That there ſhould be ſmall love amongſt theſe ſweet knaves, and all this courteſy! The ſtrain of man is bred out into baboon and monkey.’
Sterne ſaid of French politeneſs, that it might be compared to a ſmooth coin; it had loſt all mark of cha⯑racter. To which I think we may add, that cour⯑teſy, like counters, by having attained a currency in the world, have come at length to bear an equal rate, we might ſay, a ſuperior one, with pieces of intrinſic value; ſo that one who ſhould make a difference between them in the modern traffic of life, would be looked upon as a mere virtuoſo, who preferred an Otho to a Georgius.
We muſt take up with the world, at preſent, as we do with the ſtage, to which it has ſo often been compared. There is a fable in both; and if the actors but perform their perſonated characters well, we are not to quarrel with them for not exhibiting their natural ones.
SCENE V.
The noble Timon, being rendered uneaſy at the too ſervile deferences paid him by his clients, juſtly ſays,
There is a parallel thought in the Merchant of Venice, taken notice of before, in my laſt remark on that Play.
Further on in this Scene, there occurs a paſſage which well deſerves to be quoted, but needs no note.
Might we but have the happineſs, my lord, that you would once uſe our hearts, whereby we might expreſs ſome part of our zeals, we ſhould think ourſelves for ever perfect *.
O, no doubt, my good friends, but the gods themſelves have provided that I ſhould have much help from you; how had you been my friends elſe? Why have you that charitable title from thouſands, did I not chiefly belong to your hearts †? I have told more of you to myſelf, than you can with modeſty ſpeak in your own behalf. And thus far I confirm you. Oh, ye gods, think I, what need we have any friends, if we ſhould never have need of them? They would moſt reſemble ſweet inſtruments hung up in caſes, that keep their ſounds to themſelves. Why, I have oft wiſhed myſelf poorer, that I might come nearer to you. We are born to do benefits. And what better or properer can we call our own, than the riches of our friends? O, what a precious comfort 'tis to have ſo many, like brothers, commanding one another's fortunes! O joy, e'en made away ere 't can be born. Mine eyes cannot hold water.
SCENE VII.
It is, indeed, an unhappy reflection, to think how few examples there are in life, to controvert this maxim. If the firſt were not the caſe, there would be no ſuch thing as the latter; for men would then deſerve the praiſe they get.
ACT II.
SCENE I.
The following ſpeech may ſerve to hint a com⯑mon truth, that all gifts or preſents from inferiors, [385] may be conſidered but as petitions to their ſupe⯑riors.
SCENE IV.
The honeſt and anxious ſteward of Timon makes a reflection here, which the experience of all times hath too fully vouched.
SCENE V.
When the reduced and unhappy Timon finds himſelf involved in poverty and diſtreſs, he directs his ſteward to call upon the Body of the Senators, who had ſhared his bounties, for its aſſiſtance in this exigence; in anſwer to which the ſteward ac⯑quaints him, that he had taken the liberty to do this, already, upon his own prior knowledge in the ſitua⯑tion of his affairs. The account he then proceeds to give of the reception his application had met with among theſe ſhadows of friendſhip, is ſuch, I am ſorry to ſay, as thoſe who have ever been under a neceſſity of making the ſame experiment, will rea⯑dily acknowledge to be genuine. Faint expreſſions of good will, with a ſtrong reproof for extravagan⯑ces, which they themſelves had both encouraged and partaken of, and finally cloſed with an abſolute denial of relief.
To which Timon replies, with a competent know⯑ledge of human nature; for he ſeems to be inſpired here, as before ‖:
After having thrown out this ſtricture againſt Age and Avarice, he deſires his ſteward to apply to Ven⯑tidius, a young man lately come into the poſſeſſion of a large fortune, whom he had juſt redeemed from the miſeries of a gaol, and reſtrains him only to borrow from him the exact ſum he had before paid for his releaſe, ſaying,
To which the more experienced ſteward replies to himſelf,
The ſame ſentiment is well expreſſed by Zanga, in the deſcription he gives of his conqueror:
ACT III.
[387]SCENE I.
When Ventidius has declined to lend his aſſiſtance, (though this circumſtance is only hinted at, but not produced upon the ſcene) Timon diſpatches the ſteward * to Lucullus, another young man of promiſ⯑ing hopes; who anſwers in the ſame ſtrain with the evaſive and ſarcaſtical reply given before by the Sena⯑tors, as related in the Fifth Scene of the preceding Act; pleading incapacity, and reprehending the too profuſe liberality of Timon. After which he forces ſome pieces into Flavius's hand, by way of bribing him to pretend to his maſter, that he had not met with him; and then goes off. Upon which the honeſt and indignant ſteward, flinging away the money, cries out,
The generous and feeling mind muſt naturally ſympathize with the warmth of reſentment, here expreſſed, though its moral and charity may refrain it from concurring in the anathemas of it.
I cannot quit this ſcene, till I have remarked upon the character of Ventidius, as repreſented by two ſeeming contradictory circumſtances, in the firſt and ſecond Acts.
[388]In the former he ſhews his honeſty and gratitude to his benefactor, by offering to repay the money which had been given to redeem his liberty *; and here he betrays the very reverſe of theſe principles. Is Shakeſpeare inconſiſtent? No. 'Tis nature ſtill. Ventidius had juſt then ſucceeded to an ample patri⯑mony. A ſudden afflux of fortune, eſpecially to a perſon newly emerging from diſtreſs, is apt to ſwell and enlarge the heart at firſt; but then in mean minds it is as apt to ſhrink and contract it as ſuddenly again.
SCENE II.
That diſingenuous nature in mankind, which prompts to cenſure thoſe vices in others, which them⯑ſelves are capable of, is well expoſed here.
When the firſt ſtranger has mentioned the for⯑lorn ſtate of Timon's fortunes, and related the ſtory of Lucullus's unkindneſs towards him, Lucius ex⯑claims with ſurprize, ‘What a ſtrange caſe was that! Now, before the gods, I am aſhamed on't. Denied that honourable man! There was very little honour ſhewn in that. For my own part, I muſt needs confeſs I have received ſome ſmall kindneſſes from him, as money, plate, jewels, and ſuch like trifles, nothing comparing to his; yet had he not miſtook him, and ſent to me †, I ſhould ne'er have denied his occaſions ſo many talents.’ But immediately after, in the ſame ſcene, upon application made to himſelf by Servilius, to the ſame purpoſe, he thus defends his purſe: ‘What a wicked ‡ beaſt was I, (ſpeaking to the meſſenger) to diſ⯑furniſh myſelf againſt ſo good a time, when I might have ſhewn myſelf honourable? How unluckily it happened, that I ſhould pur⯑chaſe the day before for a little dirt §, and undo a great deal of ho⯑nour! Servilius, now, before the gods, I am not able to do—The [389] more beaſt, I ſay—I was ſending to uſe lord Timon myſelf, theſe gentlemen can witneſs; but I would not, for the wealth of Athens, I had done it now. Commend me bountifully to his good lordſhip, and I hope his honour will conceive the faireſt of me, be⯑cauſe I have no power to be kind. And tell him this from me, I count it one of my greateſt afflictions, that I cannot pleaſure ſuch an honourable gentleman. Good Servilius, will you befriend me ſo far as to uſe my own words to him?’ Then turning to the firſt ſtranger, he ſays, what is too generally experienced through life,
Upon Lucius and Servilius's going out, the following dialogue is held between the remaining perſons; in which ſome ſcandalum magnatums are thrown out againſt the dignity of human nature.
This latter ſpeech ſavours too much of the former one of Lucius; and, as the Queen ſays in Hamlet, the gentleman doth profeſs too much; but we ſhall cha⯑ritably accept it as ſincere, ſince the ſpeaker's virtue has not been put to the proof.
SCENE III.
Sempronius, another of Timon's friends, is here aſſailed, who evades the requeſt by pleading ſurprize that he ſhould be the firſt perſon applied to on ſuch an exigence, before Lucius, Lucullus, and Venti⯑dius, who had each of them ſo much higher obliga⯑tions to his ſervices than himſelf. But being beaten out of that argument, by being informed of their all having been before touched, and found baſe metal, as the meſſenger tells him, he then makes uſe of a device, not uncommon in ſuch caſes, to pretend a quarrel, or affect a jealouſy with a perſon, in order to have one's reſentment paſs as an excuſe for re⯑fuſing the favour required.
When Sempronius retires, the ſervant who had brought the meſſage to him makes ſome reflections, which, with many other inſtances of the ſame kind, in theſe writings, ſhew that Shakeſpeare was as pro⯑digal of his wit and ſentiment, as Timon was of his favour and fortune, for he often ſquanders them both upon clowns and lacqueys.
Excellent! your lordſhip's a goodly villain. The Devil knew what he did when he made man politic *. He croſſed † himſelf by't; and I cannot think but that, in the end, the villa⯑nies of man will ſet him clear ‡. How fairly this lord ſtrives to appear foul! takes virtuous copies to be wicked §. Like thoſe that, under hot ardent zeal, would ſet whole realms on fire ¶.
SCENE IV.
Another ſentimental footman ſent by one of Timon's creditors to preſs him for his debt, ſpeaks the fol⯑lowing couplet, the laſt line of which deſerves to be made an adage of:
SCENE VI.
Alcibiades, pleading before the Senate, for the life of a friend who had killed his antagoniſt in [392] a fair rencounter, thus addreſſes himſelf to the court:
Our author is always moſt remarkably ſtrong in his expreſſion, and rich in his argument, upon the ſubject of this divine attribute of Mercy. Witneſs Portia's ſpeech in the Merchant of Venice, Iſabella's in Meaſure for Meaſure, and ſeveral other paſſages of the ſame kind throughout his writings. To make pity the virtue of the law, is a fine idea, and a beau⯑tiful expreſſion.
The argument for and againſt the practice of Duelling, is here very philoſophically urged on one ſide, and as artfully evaded on the other.
I ſhall ſubmit this difficult punctilio of honour† to the deciſion of my male Readers; for, as a woman, I cannot be ſuppoſed to be a competent judge of it. However, I ſhall venture to proceed ſo far as to ob⯑ſerve, that as this piece of antient chivalry is ſaid to have been originally inſtituted for our defence, I muſt confeſs, I think it ſhould have reſted there.
Alcibiades then concludes the above ſpeech, by petitioning again for mercy:
SCENE VII.
When Timon meets his late delinquent friends at the mock banquet he had prepared and preſſed them to, he makes a juſt ſarcaſm, as well as a juſtly provoked one, upon the inſincerity of their profeſ⯑ſions.
The ſwallow follows not ſummer more willingly than we your lordſhip.
Nor more willingly leaves winter—Such ſummer-birds are men.
He again carries on the ſame ſtrain, in the firſt part of the grace he pronounces before the covers are taken off.
The gods require our thanks—
You great benefactors, ſprinkle our ſociety with thankfulneſs. For your own gifts make yourſelves praiſed; but reſerve ſtill to give, leſt your deities be deſpiſed. Lend to each man enough, that one [394] need not lend to another; for were your godheads to borrow of men, men would forſake the gods.
When the diſhes are expoſed, filled only with warm water, he thus expreſſes his reſentment, in juſt deſcription and apt epithets, for ſuch gueſts.
ACT IV.
SCENE II.
In this Scene, another of Timon's ſervants, or rather one of Shakeſpeare's §, delivers himſelf moſt affectionately and affectingly, upon the unhappy condition of his maſter.
SCENE III.
There are ſo many unfavourable pictures of the world already given by Shakeſpeare, that though each of them may be very proper, in its reſpective place, to adorn the fable, and maintain the charac⯑ters in the ſeveral Dramas; yet ſome of them, it may be thought, might be ſpared in a work of this ge⯑neral [395] kind, which requires not ſuch minute atten⯑tions: but as my ſcope here is not only to inſtruct the ignorant, to warn the unwary, and inculcate the moral of our author, both from his precepts and examples, but to do him honour alſo as a writer, I think it would be a ſort of injuſtice in me to ſuffer any paſſage in him to remain unnoted, which, beſides conducing to ſuch great ends, may ſerve to ſhew the fecundity of his powers and genius, which has ena⯑bled him to treat the ſame ſubject in ſo many dif⯑ferent ways, with ſtill new thoughts, and varied expreſſion.
The following ſpeech is a beautiful inſtance of this obſervation.
In the Sixth Scene following, he exclaims againſt the world again:
But to return. At the end of the former ſpeech, upon finding gold while he was digging for roots, he ſays,
And again, in the Sixth Scene of this Act, look⯑ing on the gold, he renews the ſame reflections.
[397]I have ſuffered theſe laſt lines to paſs, as they ſeem as well to continue the enumeration of the fatal effects of avarice, as to denounce a curſe againſt it.
SCENE IV.
When Alcibiades meets with Timon wild in the woods, he aſks with concern and ſurprize, ‘How came the noble Timon to this change?’ To which he ſeverely replies, but in Shakeſpeare's uſual ſport of fancy, even on the moſt ſerious ſub⯑jects,
And in the next Scene, in an invocation to the earth, he ſays,
SCENE VI.
Here alſo are ſome more ſtrictures thrown out contra mundum, with which I ſhall conclude this Act.
What man didſt thou ever know unthrift, that was beloved after his means?
Who, without thoſe means thou talk'ſt of, didſt thou ever know beloved?
ACT V.
SCENE I.
Flavius, the good ſteward, upon ſeeing his maſter ſitting before the mouth of his cave, makes the fol⯑lowing fond and pathetic exclamation, ſucceeded by [398] reflections, in the ſame ſtile with thoſe which moſtly fill this Play:
SCENE II.
Here alſo in the ſame ſtrain our Author proceeds. When two of Timon's former ſycophants, upon hear⯑ing that their patron is ſuddenly become rich again, are going together to cajole him, as before, they hold the following dialogue with each other.
What have you now to preſent unto him?
Nothing, at this time, but my viſitation; only I will promiſe him an excellent piece.
I muſt ſerve him ſo too; tell him of an intent that's com⯑ing toward him.
Good as the beſt. Promiſing is the very air of the time; it opens the eyes of expectation. Performance is ever the duller for his act; and, but in the plainer and ſimpler kind of people, the deed is quite out of uſe. To promiſe, is moſt courtly and faſhionable; performance is a kind of will or teſtament, which argues a great ſickneſs in his judgment that makes it.
I am thinking what I ſhall ſay I have provided for him. It muſt be a perſonating ‡ of himſelf; a ſatire againſt the ſoftneſs of proſperity, with a diſcovery of the infinite flatteries that follow youth and opulency. . . . .
Timon over-hearing their converſation from behind his cave, caſts out another invective againſt gold, and concludes his ſpeech with an expreſſion, which I have alſo let paſs for the reaſon before-mentioned, in the laſt note on Scene III. of the former Act. For though uſed in the form of a curſe, it may, however, be hardly conſidered in that light, as 'tis but the na⯑tural conſequence of the vice, and is no more than to ſay, May the man who ſwallows poiſon die, which he certainly will do.
I ſhall here conclude my remarks upon this Play, with Dr. Johnſon's character of it, as far as the fa⯑ble has any relation to moral.
‘The cataſtrophe (ſays he) affords a very powerful warning againſt that oſtentatious liberality which ſcatters bounty, but confers no benefit; and buys flattery, but not friendſhip.’
TITUS ANDRONICUS.
[]Dramatis Perſonae.
[]- TITUS ANDRONICUS, a noble Roman General againſt the Goths.
- MARCUS ANDRONICUS, his brother, and a Tribune of the People.
- BASSIANUS, ſecond Son of the late Emperor.
- TAMORA, Queen of the Goths, a Captive.
TITUS ANDRONICUS.
[403]IT has been much diſputed among the Commen⯑tators, whether this Play be originally Shake⯑ſpeare's, or only the work of ſome elder Author, reviſed and improved for repreſentation by him: though, if I might be allowed to venture a criti⯑ciſm upon this ſubject, I ſhould ſuppoſe the intire Piece to be his, and for a very ſingular reaſon; Be⯑cauſe the whole of the fable, as well as the conduct of it, is ſo very barbarous, in every ſenſe of the word, that I think, however he might have been tempted to make uſe of the legend, in ſome hurry or other, for his own purpoſe, he could hardly have adopted it from any other perſon's compoſition. We are quick-ſighted to the faults of others, though purblind to our own. Beſides, he would never have ſtrewed ſuch ſweet flowers upon a caput mortuum, if ſome child of his had not lain entombed un⯑derneath. Many of the beauties I hint at, being merely poetical imagery, without any mixture of moral in them, are therefore not inſerted among the following notes, as not being the proper object of my remarks, which muſt, in conſequence, appear to fall ſhort of the above compliment.
The arguments, pro and con, for the authenticity of this Play, are not material to our preſent pur⯑poſe; for as we find it among the muſter-roll of our Author's forces, it challenges a right to paſs in review along with the reſt, though there are but very few paſſages in it to anſwer the deſign of this work.
I ſhould imagine, from the many ſhocking ſpec⯑tacles exhibited in this Play, that it could never have been repreſented on any theatre, except the [404] Liſbon ſcaffold, where the duke d'Aveiro, the Mar⯑quis of Tavora, cum ſuis, were ſo barbarouſly maſ⯑ſacred, for the ſuppoſed Jeſuits' plot againſt the preſent king of Portugal. And yet Ben Johnſon aſſures us that it was performed, in his time, with great applauſe; and we are alſo told that it was re⯑vived again, in the reign of Charles the Second, with the ſame ſucceſs. The different humours and taſtes of times! It would be not only hiſſed, but driven off the ſtage at preſent.
ACT I.
SCENE II.
Tamora, queen of the Goths, and a captive, pleading here to Titus Andronicus for her ſon's life, who was going to be offered up as a victim of war, ſpeaks in Shakeſpeare's uſual ſtile, as remarked before *, on the great article of mercy.
There is ſomething ſo ſoothing to the mind, in a deſcription of the ſequeſtered Scene, free from the tumult, the vices, and the violences of the world, that it naturally pleaſes us, even though the grave itſelf be made the ſubject of it.
I affirm that I was ſenſible of ſuch a feeling myſelf, on reading the following paſſage, in this Scene, though without the leaſt manner of diſguſt to life, all the while.
SCENE III.
When Baſſianus applies to Titus for his intereſt in ſupport of his election to the Roman empire, he ſays,
There is ſomething truly great in the above ſen⯑timent, and ſhews the ſpeaker of it worthy of be⯑ing an emperor. A grateful heart is all that Heaven itſelf requires, for its numerous bleſſings and mercies toward us.
ACT III. SCENE IV.
Marcus Andronicus, endeavouring to repreſs his brother Titus's exceſs of grief, who was labouring under the moſt unheard of cruelties and miſery, both in himſelf and his children, addreſſes him thus:
To which Titus replies:
Titus, in this ſpeech, ſays a great deal to excuſe the ſhews and expreſſions of grief, though in too [406] poetical a ſtile, rather, for ſo ſad a ſubject; but I think the firſt argument of it a very ſtrong one, upon this occaſion— ‘If there were reaſon for theſe miſeries, &c.’ For we certainly ſuffer thoſe misfortunes, which happen to our lot in the common courſe of nature or of juſtice, with much more reſignation of mind, than we can do thoſe which are inflicted on us by the violences of tyranny, cruelty, or malice—Here our deteſtation and abhorrence of the agent, ſerves to heighten our reſentment of the injury.
In the two laſt lines above, Shakeſpeare has given an elevation to the common expreſſion of loſers have leave to ſpeak. There are inſtances of the ſame kind, in our Author, before taken notice of. This is one of his characteriſtics; and, indeed, I think that his ſtile and manner are ſo ſtrongly marked, through⯑out this Play, (take the above ſpeech, for one in⯑ſtance *) that I own it ſurprizes me Doctor Johnſon ſhould ſay, ‘he did not think Shakeſpeare's touches diſcernible in it.’
In the ſame Scene, when ſome ſhocking objects of his wretchedneſs are preſented to the view of Titus, he makes a very natural reflection upon them, for a perſon in ſuch unhappy circumſtances.
In the extremities of anguiſh, either of mind or body, we are apt to be ſurpriſed at that toughneſs in our frame, which prevents its diſſolution; and are often tempted to wiſh our miſeries might of themſelves have ſufficient force to bring us that re⯑lief, which our virtue or religion forbids us to ſupply ourſelves.
MACBETH.
[]Dramatis Perſonae.
[]- MACBETH.
- DUNCAN.
- MACDUFF.
- BANQUO.
- MALCOLM.
- ROSSE.
- CATHNESS.
- ANGUS.
- DOCTOR.
- OLD MAN.
- LADY MACBETH.
- LADY MACDUFF.
MACBETH.
[409]ACT I.
SCENE V.
From this ſpeech may be deduced the nature of temptation to evil, which, by ſuggeſting ſome im⯑mediate pleaſure or profit, prompts us on to un⯑happy conſequences.
SCENE VI.
The following deſcription of the death of a brave man, after he has made a peace with his conſcience by contrition, is a fine one.
The bravery of ſpirit which ſo many perſons, both antient and modern, have manifeſted, in this great and laſt article of their lives, ſeems to argue ſomething more in human nature, than mere animal exiſtence.
The ſpecious appearances of men, by which the ingenuous and unwary are liable to be deceived in [410] their commerce with the world, are marked and lamented by Duncan in this Scene, where, ſpeaking of the above-mentioned rebel, he ſays,
Momus well wiſhed a window in every man's breaſt. Phyſiognomiſts pretend they can take a peep through the features of the face; but this is too abſtruſe a ſcience to anſwer the general purpoſes of life; be⯑ſides that education may render ſuch knowledge doubtful, as in the caſe of Socrates. The diſeaſes or unſoundneſs of the body are generally viſible in the countenance and complexion of the invalid; how infinitely more uſeful would it be, if the vices of the mind were as obvious there! It is not neceſſary in the firſt caſe, becauſe the patient can tell his diſ⯑order; but, in the other inſtance, the infected perſon is dumb.
See the laſt remark upon Twelfth Night.
SCENE IX.
Macbeth, in his meditations on the murder of Duncan, has ſome fine and juſt reflections on the nature of conſcience.
SCENE X.
And in this Scene, when Lady Macbeth upbraids her huſband with cowardice, for not being more determined on the purpoſe of the murder, he makes the following noble reflection:
Doctor Johnſon very juſtly ſays, ‘That theſe lines ought to beſtow immortality on the Author, though all his other productions had been loſt.’
ACT II.
SCENE II.
Again—The horrors of a guilty mind are ſtrongly and finely painted, in the following ſpeech. The images of our crimes not only haunt us in our dreams, but often become the viſions of our waking thoughts. All the bars that Providence could op⯑poſe to vice, it has ſet againſt it. It could no more, without depriving man of his free-will, and ſo ren⯑dering him equally incapable of merit or blame.
The remainder of this ſpeech is worth quoting, both on account of the fine poetical imagery it con⯑tains, and in order to ſhew the ſtrong terror which guilt had impreſſed on his mind, by his invoking even inanimate matter not to inform againſt him.
SCENE III.
Lady Macbeth, ſpeaking here of Duncan's grooms, ſays,
Our ſex is obliged to Shakeſpeare, for this paſſage. He ſeems to think that a woman could not be rendered compleatly wicked, without ſome degree of in⯑toxication. [413] It required two vices in her; one to intend, and another to perpetrate the crime. He does not give wine and waſſail * to Macbeth; leaving him in his natural ſtate, to be actuated by the temptation of ambition alone.
Macbeth, after he had committed the murder, ſpeaking of the Grooms, who lay in the ante⯑chamber he had juſt paſſed through, ſays,
This is natural—One of the moſt horrid circum⯑ſtances of guilt, is that total ſuppreſſion a wicked perſon is apt to labour under, for a time, of the ability to pray. I ſhould think that, from this very extraordinary circumſtance, Divines might deduce a good argument to ſtrengthen the Chriſtian ſyſtem of theology. If, as the advocates for Natural Religion ſay, our vices proceed from the violence of our paſſions merely, contrition, upon their ſcheme, might immediately ſucceed the gratification of our pur⯑poſe; but, as we are taught that temptation ariſes from the inſtigation of an evil ſpirit, the fiend has ſtill a further intereſt in the poſtponing of our re⯑pentance. Suicide muſt certainly be a ſtrong inſtance of this latter doctrine; as it prompts us, even con⯑trary to the intent of nature, and the general ſcope, both of our affections, impreſſions, and feelings, to the deſtruction of our own exiſtence.
In the firſt part of my remark on the ſecond Scene above, I have obſerved upon the impreſſions that a diſturbed mind is apt to ſtamp on our dreams and ſight. This paſſage adds our ſenſe of hearing, alſo, to the teſtimony of our conſcience.
Toward the latter end of this Scene, there is another hint given to the ſame admonitory purpoſe.
I continued the quotation of the laſt ſpeech above but one, to the end of it, in order to treat my Reader with the beautiful deſcription of ſleep, there given by our Author. And again, at the latter end of the Fifth Scene of the Third Act; Lady Macbeth ſays to her huſband, ‘You lack the ſeaſon of all Nature, ſleep—’ The expreſſion here is not only poetical, but phi⯑loſophical alſo; for the vegetable world requires ſleep, or reſt, as well as the animal one.
SCENE IV.
The labour we delight in, phyſicks pain.
This expreſſion is very juſt, in general, but more particularly ſo in the preſent caſe ſuppoſed, reſpect⯑ing the offices of friendſhip and good will. How pleaſant, how eaſy is duty, when inſpirited by af⯑fection!
ACT III.
SCENE II.
The awe with which a bad man, though ever ſo valiant, is naturally impreſſed by the ſuperiority [415] which virtue gives another brave man, is well de⯑picted here:
The text adds the alluſion, here, as Anthony's was by Caeſar, which Doctor Johnſon very judiciouſly re⯑jects as ſpurious. I agree with him—I do not think it is in Shakeſpeare's ſtile—The paſſage is too warm and immediate, to admit of ſo cold and remote an image. Beſides, this is a ſoliloquy, and the ſpeaker needed not to have explained his meaning to him⯑ſelf, ſuppoſing the expreſſion of rebuked, had a re⯑ference to that idea.
The general cauſes which render men deſperate, ariſing from neceſſities or vices, are here ſet forth.
SCENE III.
The wretched condition of a mind not only la⯑bouring under the ſenſe of guilt, but dreading the immediate chaſtiſement of it, is more ſtrongly [416] painted in this Scene, than any where elſe in Shake⯑ſpeare.
SCENE V.
The true ſpirit of hoſpitality is well deſcribed, in the following expoſtulation from Lady Macbeth to her huſband, upon his neglect of the gueſts▪
[417]In the ſame Scene, Macbeth, ſpeaking in ſoli⯑loquy, upon the appearance of Banquo's ghoſt, ex⯑preſſes a common notion, which, however, cannot be too ſtrongly inculcated in the mind of man; as whatever tends to the ſervice of religion or virtue, ceaſes to be weakneſs or ſuperſtition, though per⯑haps ſtrict philoſophy may not aſſiſt to ſupport it.
SCENE VI.
Hecate delivers a truth here, which would better have become a more moral ſpeaker. But Shake⯑ſpeare can
After having mentioned the magic arts by which ſhe is drawing on Macbeth to his deſtruction, ſhe adds,
ACT IV.
SCENE II.
Macbeth, upon hearing that Macduff had eſcaped from his deſign againſt his life, by flying into England, makes a reflection, which though wicked⯑ly applied, in the preſent caſe, may, notwithſtand⯑ing, if it is allowable to extract medicine from poiſon, or gather honey from the weed, be conſidered [418] as a good general rule of action, in all enterpriſes of moment.
It was a ſaying of Charles the Fifth, ‘That we ſhould deliberate under Saturn, but execute under Mercury.’
SCENE III.
In the following dialogue, the Reader will meet with many juſt, natural, and prudent reflections, too obvious to need any comment; though, per⯑haps, thoſe urged by Lady Macduff are carried a little too far, in the preſent exigence.
But when Lady Macduff is warned herſelf to fly, ſhe begins, at firſt, to reaſon upon the propoſition, as ſhe had before done on her huſband's flight, by plead⯑ing the ſecurity of her innocence; but it becoming now her own caſe, ſhe quickly falls into a more pru⯑dent and rational manner of argument upon the ſubject—This is Nature.
SCENE IV.
The different natures of men, ſhewn in the ſame circumſtances and ſituations, are well diſcriminated here.
Malcolm betrays the ſame timidity of ſpirit ſtill further, in the continuation of this dialogue, in re⯑fuſing to truſt his perſon with Macduff; though he ſupports his apprehenſions, however, upon very rea⯑ſonable grounds of diffidence.
[421]Further on, he makes an admirable enumeration of thoſe qualities which a good prince ought to be principally poſſeſſed of.
This, indeed, is to be a king! whoſe firſt ſubjects ſhould be his own appetites and paſſions.
SCENE VI.
Here follows a true but melancholy deſcription of a people ſuffering under a ſtate of anarchy and civil war. The reader has met with many paſſages of the ſame kind, quoted in this work before.
In the ſame dialogue, when Roſſe has given Mac⯑duff an account of the murder of his wife and chil⯑dren, at which he ſeems to ſtand petrified with ſor⯑row, Malcolm juſtly warns him of the dangerous [422] conſequences of reſtraining the natural ſhews and expreſſions of grief.
To which Macduff as juſtly replies, without any diſgrace to philoſophy or religion:
But he then proceeds to a reflection, which, though natural and common for the unhappy to make, in ſuch circumſtances, offends againſt both the princi⯑ples above-mentioned, philoſophy and religion, as being at once impious and unjuſt:
Lear, on ſeeing Cordelia dead, makes an expoſtu⯑lation of the ſame ſort:
But all this ariſes from a too preſumptuous and over-weening notion of our own conſequence in the creation. The pride of man prompts each to con⯑ſider himſelf as the principal object of Providence; and we would all of us wreſt the ſtated order of Nature, to ſerve our own purpoſes. But the true philoſophy of the matter is, as Pope very juſtly ex⯑preſſes it, in different parts of his Eſſay on Man,
ACT V.
SCENE I.
The effects of a guilty and diſturbed mind are extremely well repreſented here, in the perſon of Lady Macbeth, by the words and actions with which ſhe betrays her crime, while ſhe is walking in her ſleep. "A great perturbation in Nature," as her Doctor ſays, ‘to receive at once the benefit of ſleep, and do the effects of watching.’
The Doctor, upon diſcovering the cauſe of her malady, very juſtly declares her to be no fit patient for his art, and turns her over, accordingly, to Hea⯑ven and her confeſſors for a cure, ſaying,
And again, in the Third Scene, the ſame ſubject is continued.
SCENE II.
The ſituation and deſcription of a wicked uſurper involved in a domeſtic war to defend himſelf, is finely painted here.
Cathneſs and Angus, ſpeaking of Macbeth:
SCENE III.
But in this Scene, the tyrant gives a juſt and ſhocking deſcription of ſuch a character himſelf, [...]peaking in and of his own perſon:
SCENE V.
[425]The effect of habitual guilt, in blunting all the fine feelings of the human heart, is well noted here.
He then falls into a reflection on the nature of human life, which preſents us with but a melancholy proſpect of our preſent ſtate of exiſtence.
POSTSCRIPT.
As I cannot bear the thought of ſuffering the laſt gloomy paſſage cited in the foregoing remarks, to dwell upon my Reader's mind, which, by tempting him to repine at the ways of Providence, might give him cauſe to lament his having ever been ſent into ſuch a world of woe, I ſhall endeavour to argue, as far as I am able, againſt ſuch repreſentations of life as our author frequently gives us of our condi⯑tion in it, and in which he is too generally ſeconded by many of the more profeſſed writers on Mo⯑rality.
[426]Theſe philoſophers are apt to ſpeak too ſeverely, upon the ſum of human life; but only ſeem to condemn it from diſtinct parts, and particular in⯑ſtances, which vice, folly, paſſions, caſualty, or in⯑temperance, too often furniſh for obſervation. But I ſhall here venture to treat this ſubject more im⯑partially, by conſidering it upon the whole, and according to the general ſtate or condition in which the great Author of Nature has moſt benevolently ſupplied it to us.
We are created with five perfect ſenſes, and the world is ſtored with variety of objects to afford plea⯑ſures to them all; and theſe we are naturally framed to retain the poſſeſſion of, even to the full term of life preſcribed by the Pſalmiſt, of threeſcore years and ten; till that period of time, when we may ourſelves become weary of a longer continuance here, not from the diſguſt of our diſappointments, but merely from the ſatiety of our enjoyments. And though our ſtrength may then, or even before, become weak⯑neſs, it may not, however, be encumbered either with decrepitude or pain: and even to the laſt we may be ſtill capable of uſing as much exerciſe, as age re⯑quires; or if any accidental ail ſhould render more neceſſary, an horſe may reſtore the full benefit, at leaſt, though perhaps not the uſe, of our limbs.
Let us add to theſe, the pleaſures of hope, imagi⯑nation, reflection, reading, ſcience, converſation, love, friendſhip,
Even our moſt moderate ſatisfactions and enjoyments, though their impreſſions may not be ſo ſenſibly felt, during their continuance, yet if their moment be cal⯑culated, by multiplying the degree into the duration, we ſhall find the amount to exceed the quantity of more poignant but ſhorter ſenſations.
[427]Let us alſo take into our account the viciſſitude and variety of ſeaſons, with the alternation of day and night;
Thus are deſcribed the delights of Eden, by a Poet ſo enamoured of the beauties of Nature, that he has certainly exerted his utmoſt powers to enhance her charms; and yet even Milton's imagination was not able to tranſcend the reality of thoſe objects and enjoyments, which our common fields and gardens afford us every day.
This is the common life of man; this the condi⯑tion of the yeoman, the huſbandman, the labourer, the artiſt, the mechanic, the ſervant—the many of mankind. And where ſickneſs, pain, loſs of any ſenſe or limb, happens to the lot of individuals, this is not according to the courſe of Nature, but rather a violence againſt it. And theſe accidents afflict not the many, but the few; nor is Provi⯑dence any more anſwerable for the natural, than for the moral, ills of life: one is but incidental to the general conſtitution and neceſſity of things, and the other to the appetites and free-will of man.
But ſloth, luxury, ambition, vicious paſſions, envy, hatred, and malice, may render ſome diſeaſed in body, and others diſcontented in mind. This is not, however, the condition of their nature, but the corruption of it; and theſe are ſtill not the many, but the few; not the body of the people, but the excre⯑ſcences which ariſe out of it, and muſt be nouriſhed at its coſt—namely, the great, the opulent, and the proud.
If what I have here ſaid, upon this comparative view of human nature, were not true, Providence muſt have ſhewn a manifeſt partiality to the inferior creation, which is certainly placed in an happier ſtate than man, according to ſome—to many writers. But Plato ſpeaks upon this ſubject with a much better philoſophy than any of theſe moral ſophiſters, when he ſays, that ‘God is good, for he beſtows all that is good upon all creatures, according to their ſeveral capacities. Each is as happy as it can be; or, as its nature permits; and if any thinks the ſeveral creatures could have been happier, it is becauſe he does not underſtand their natures.’
It may not be improper to quote a paſſage here, out of a letter from Mr. Pope to Doctor Swift, upon the ſubject of his Eſſay on Man.
‘I am juſt now (ſays he) writing, or rather plan⯑ning, a book, to bring mankind to look upon this life with comfort and pleaſure, and put morality in good humour with itſelf.’
This is the true philoſophy of ſenſe and virtue. Gloomy minds are deficient in both.
CORIOLANUS.
[]Dramatis Perſonae.
[]- CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS.
- COMINIUS.
- MENENIUS AGRIPPA.
- BRUTUS.
- SICINIUS.
- SENATORS.
- CITIZENS.
- VOLUMNIA.
- VIRGILIA.
CORIOLANUS.
[431]ACT I.
SCENE I.
BEFORE we proceed any further, hear me ſpeak.
Speak, ſpeak.
You are all reſolved rather to die than to fa⯑miſh?
Reſolved, reſolved.
Firſt, you know Caius Marcius is the chief enemy to the people.
We know't, we know't.
Let us kill him, and we'll have corn at our own price. Is't a verdict?
No more talking on't, let it be done. Away, away.
One word, good citizens.
We are accounted poor citizens, the Patricians good. What authority ſurfeits on, would relieve us. If they would yield us but the ſuperfluity, while it were wholeſome, we might gueſs they relieved us humanely; but they think we are too dear *. The leanneſs that afflicts us, the object of our miſery, is as an in⯑ventory to particularize their abundance; our ſufferance is a gain to them. Let us revenge this with our pikes, ere we become rakes †; for the gods know I ſpeak this in hunger for bread, not in thirſt for revenge.
The nature and reaſoning of all mutinous cabal⯑lers are fully ſhewn in the above ſhort ſcene. The common people are apt to impute all national griev⯑ances or calamities to the fault of their rulers, tho' ever ſo unavoidable from the nature of things, failure of ſeaſons, or other incidental misfortunes whatſo⯑ever. If freedom of ſpeech and the liberty of the preſs were not reſtrained in Turkey, I make no [432] doubt but a Muſſulman populace would charge the plague to the account of their Sultans or their Viziers.
In the ſame ſcene, that abatement of eſteem and praiſe, which is the natural conſequence of perſons appearing to over-rate their own merits, more eſpe⯑cially when this is betrayed by ſhewing pride or contempt to others, is very juſtly remarked on.
Would you proceed eſpecially againſt Caius Marcius?
Againſt him firſt. He's a very dog to the commonalty.
Conſider you what ſervices he has done for his country?
Very well; and could be content to give him good report for't; but that he pays himſelf with being proud.
Nay, but ſpeak not maliciouſly.
I ſay unto you what he hath done famouſly, he did it to that end. Though ſoft-conſcienced men can be content to ſay it was for his country, he did it to pleaſe his mother, and to be partly proud; which he is, even to the altitude of his virtue.
The above expreſſion, of to pleaſe his mother, is taken verbatim from Plutarch, who, in the Life of Coriolanus, ſays of him,‘The end which others propoſed in their acts of valour, was glory; but he purſued glory, becauſe the acquiſition of it delighted his mother.’
Though this ſeems to be a childiſh reaſon, yet 'tis very well to be accounted for. His father died when Caius Marcius was but an infant; the care of his education then devolved upon the mother, who gave him his firſt leſſons of bravery and honour, and took pains to inſpire his youth with that martial ſpirit which ſhe thought became a Roman and a Patri⯑cian. It was natural, then, that his exploits ſhould ſtill bear a reference to the perſon under whoſe tu⯑telage he had been trained to arms.
SCENE II.
[433]Here Menenius Agrippa expoſtulates with the unruly populace, in a manner conformable to my firſt remark on the preceding Scene.
We cannot, Sir; we are undone already.
But this argument not quieting the tumult, he proceeds to give them the famous apologue of The Belly and Members, borrowed from Aeſop; which though already ſo generally known that it need not be related, yet as the Reader may chuſe to ſee the ſtory in Shakeſpeare's ſtile and manner of telling it, I ſhall ſupply the fable here, leaving out the ſeveral breaks and interruptions of the dialogue in which 'tis recited.
He then gives them the expoſition of the allegory, in the following words:
SCENE III.
[435]Here Coriolanus, in a ſtile of auſterity and haugh⯑tineſs, which he preſerves through the whole of his ſpirited but harſh character, rates the malecontent citizens, in a ſpeech which truly deſcribes the nature of every populace in all free ſtates.
And afterwards, ſpeaking of them to Menenius, he adds,
SCENE VI.
[436]This place affords us a deſcription of the cha⯑racteriſtic Roman Matron of thoſe times, ſet in con⯑traſt with the Woman of Nature.
I pray you, daughter, ſing, or expreſs yourſelf in a more comfortable ſort. If my ſon were my huſband, I would freelier rejoice in that abſence, wherein he won honour, than in the embracements of his bed, where he would ſhew moſt love. When yet he was but tender bodied, and the only ſon of my hope; when youth with comelineſs plucked all gaze that way; when, for a day of a king's entreaties a mother ſhould not ſell him an hour from her beholding; I, conſidering how honour would be⯑come ſuch a perſon, that it was no better than picture-like to hang [...] the wall, if renown made it not ſtir, was pleaſed to ſee him ſeek [...]anger, where he was like to find fame. To a cruel war I ſent him, from whence he returned, his brows bound with oak *. I tell thee, daughter, I ſprang not more in joy at firſt hearing he was a man child, than now in firſt ſeeing he had proved himſelf a man.
But had he died in the buſineſs, madam, how then?
Then his good report ſhould have been my ſon; I therein would have found iſſue. Hear me profeſs ſincerely. Had I a dozen ſons, each in my love alike, and none leſs dear than thine and my good Marcius, I had rather eleven die nobly for their country, than one voluptuouſly ſurfeit out of action.
There appears to be a vaſt difference here between the ſentiments of theſe two matrons; but this may well be accounted for from the difference of their ſituations and circumſtances of life. Volumnia, hav⯑ing been left a widow, in the infancy of her ſon, and taking upon herſelf the charge of his educa⯑tion, had, it may be ſuppoſed, ſoon ſilenced the ten⯑derneſs of a mother in her breaſt, and aſſumed the ſpirit of a father, to fulfil her truſt; and by con⯑ſtantly endeavouring to inſpire her pupil with the chief virtues of a Roman, magnanimity, and love of his country, ſhe may be ſaid in a manner to have educated herſelf at the ſame time to bravery, forti⯑tude, and contempt of death.
SCENE IX.
[437]The true character of a ſoldier is well deſcribed, in this Scene. When Coriolanus, in the heat of battle, and covered with blood, demands a freſh ſupply of troops from Cominius, the General an⯑ſwers,
ACT II.
SCENE II.
That warmth of affection with which Menenius greets good news from his friend, muſt charm the ſenſible Reader. On hearing that Coriolanus had defeated the Volſcians, and written a letter to him on that occaſion, he cries out in tranſport, ‘Take my cap *, Jupiter, and I thank thee. Hoo! Marcius coming home! I will make my houſe reel to-night. . . . . . A letter for me! It gives me an eſtate of ſeven years health; in which time I will make a lip at the phyſician †; the moſt ſo⯑vereign preſcription in Galen is but empiric; and, to this preſer⯑vative, of no better report ‡ than a horſe-drench.’
And again, in the next Scene, upon meeting him, he expreſſes the fulneſs of his heart, which exceeds even to pain, in very ſtrong and apt terms:
[438]Theſe ſpeeches have a double beauty in them, if 'tis conſidered by whom they are delivered. It would not have near the effect upon the Reader, if ſpoken by a more ſtayed and ſober perſon; for virtues are apt to ſtrike us more forcibly in ſlight characters, than in ſolid ones; and Menenius has already given us a deſcription of himſelf, in the preceding Scene, which ſufficiently juſtifies me in this diſtinction: ‘I am known to be a humorous Patrician, and one that loves a cup of [...] wine, without a drop of allaying Tiber in't; ſaid to be ſome⯑thi [...]g imperfect, in ſavouring the firſt complaint ¶; haſty and tin⯑d [...]-like, upon too trivial motion; one that converſes more with t [...] buttock of the night, than with the forehead of the morning. Wha [...] I think, I utter; and ſpend my malice in my breath.’
SCENE III.
As I have quoted ſeveral deſcriptions of character, before, in the courſe of this work, for the reaſon already given in its proper place, as being within the preſcription of moral; and beſides that thoſe were merely imaginary, though truly copied from real life, I think that this one of Coriolanus, being ſufficiently vouched from authentic ſtory †, ought, therefore, to be more particularly remarked upon in theſe notes.
In the firſt Scene of the former Act, in a paſſage above quoted, ſecond remark, one of the diſcon⯑tented citizens charges him with paying himſelf for his ſervices, with being proud; and his reproach was juſt. But yet here he ſeems to appear in a light the very reverſe of ſuch a character; for when the he⯑rald, in the voice of Rome, is proclaiming his merits, he ſtops him ſhort, by crying out,
[439]He manifeſts the ſame modeſty alſo, in the Sixth Scene following. When he appears to be uneaſy in his ſeat, upon the applauſe given him for his proweſs, one of the ſenators ſays to him,
To which he replies,
Afterwards, Cominius ſpeaking of him, ſays,
Again, when he is preſſed to harangue the peo⯑ple, in order to get himſelf elected Conſul, he anſwers in the ſame ſtile and ſpirit of character,
But theſe ſeeming contradictions form, in effect, but one character ſtill. The over-valuing his merits, and the under-valuing the applauſe of them, are both equally founded in pride, fierce⯑neſs, and impatience. Plutarch draws a com⯑pariſon of Coriolanus with Alcibiades; but I think he more reſembles Achilles, as deſcribed by Horace: ‘Vigilant, iraſcible, inflexible, harſh, and above all laws; acknowledging no rights, but thoſe of conqueſt *.’
Let us now return to the third Scene, again, from whence the purſuit of our ſubject had tempted us to wander.
When Coriolanus comes home victorious from the Volſcian war, his family and friends gather about him, complimenting and congratulating him on his bravery and ſucceſs; all but Virgilia, his wife, whoſe heart being fuller of joy and fondneſs than them all put together, was therefore rendered in⯑capable of uttering a ſyllable on that occaſion— Upon which he ſalutes her thus: ‘My gracious ſilence, hail!’
Doctor Warburton gives the following note upon this paſſage: ‘The epithet joined to ſilence ſhews [441] it not to proceed from ſullenneſs or reſerve, but to be the effect of a virtuous mind poſſeſſing it⯑ſelf in peace. The expreſſion is extremely ſub⯑lime; and the ſenſe of it conveys the fineſt praiſe that can be given to a woman.’
I perfectly agree with the Doctor in his opinion, both of the beauty of the expreſſion, and the merit of the character implied in it. I have taken the liberty of leaving out the adjunct, good, joined to the laſt word, in his note, as being ſuperfluous in that place; for no bad one can poſſibly deſerve praiſe.
SCENE VII.
Coriolanus preſerves ſtill the ſame kind of in⯑domitable ſturdineſs and ſeverity, in the following ſpeech; where he alſo takes occaſion, very juſtly, to cenſure the ſuperſtitious reverence the world is too apt to bear towards cuſtoms which are not founded in reaſon.
When he has, with infinite difficulty, been pre⯑vailed upon by his friends to ſolicit votes for the Conſulate, and having obtained them, being left alone, he ſpeaks thus to himſelf:
ACT IV.
SCENE I.
The difference between the philoſophy we preach, and that we practiſe, is properly diſtinguiſhed in this Scene.
[442]When Coriolanus is going into exile, and taking leave of his family and friends, he endeavours to reſtrain the immoderate grief of his mother on that occaſion, by repeating thoſe ſtoical precepts to her, which ſhe had often inculcated to him during the term of his pupilage.
SCENE III.
In the following ſpeech, there is too true a picture given of the inſtability of human friendſhips and connections.
ACT V.
SCENE I.
Menenius, when he is going to parley with Co⯑riolanus, on the part of Rome, makes a ſpeech which ſhews a perfect knowledge of human nature; for certainly a proper attention to times, ſeaſons, and circumſtances, goes a conſiderable way towards the ſucceſs of our requeſts.
SCENE III.
Coriolanus, upon ſeeing his wife, mother, and ſon, come habited in mourning, to ſolicit in favour of Rome, ſays,
Coriolanus has here carried his ſternneſs, and the ſtrained principles of ſtoical pride, whoſe throne is only in the mind, as far as they could go; and now great Nature, whoſe more ſovereign ſeat of empire is in the heart, takes her turn to triumph; for upon the joint prayers, tears, and intreaties of his family, he becomes a man, at laſt▪ crying out—
And afterwards, being quite overcome by his affections, he thus exclaims:
The expreſſions in the firſt part of this latter ſpeech, with the prophetical concluſion of it, are taken almoſt literally from Plutarch, in his Life of Coriolanus.
JULIUS CAESAR.
[]Dramatis Perſonae.
[]- JULIUS CAESAR.
- MARK ANTONY.
- BRUTUS.
- CASSIUS.
- OCTAVIUS.
- METELLUS CIMBER.
- MESSALA.
- LUCILIUS.
- ARTEMIDORUS.
- NONE.
JULIUS CAESAR.
[447]IN this Scene there is a notion delivered, which may be productive of good or bad effects, ac⯑cording to the characters of the perſons who em⯑brace it. In rational and virtuous minds, it may inſpire an active purſuit of fortune, in whatever profeſſion or ſcene of life they are engaged in; but in weak or wicked natures, may betray to hazardous ſchemes, or tempt to vicious courſes. The ſame principle has made generals and admirals of com⯑mon ſoldiers and ſailors; chancellors and biſhops of attorneys' clerks and ſizers *, on the one part; projectors, conſpirators, uſurpers, and aſſaſſins, on the other.
SCENE IV.
There is a truly philoſophic reflection made here, on the ſeveral characters of men, taken both from their perſons and manners. This is one of the many inſtances of our Author's knowledge and ob⯑ſervation upon human nature.
SCENE V.
The above is a ſort of character we often meet with in life, and which has generally the effect here attributed to it.
In the ſame Scene there is a juſt and prudent maxim ſet forth, with regard to the perſons and characters that men ſhould aſſociate themſelves with, who would preſerve either their underſtanding, their honour, or integrity.
Some moral writer ſays, ‘That if men of ſenſe, taſte, or virtue, have not an opportunity of con⯑verſing with their equals, they had much better live alone.’ They will certainly be able to pre⯑ſerve theſe rare qualities much better in ſolitude, than in unequal ſociety—There is a contagion in minds and manners, as well as in bodies, when corrupt.
ACT II.
SCENE I.
In this ſoliloquy, or ſelf-debate, upon the intended aſſaſſination of Caeſar, the too common frailty of [450] man in the circumſtances of ſucceſsful ambition, is ſtrongly deſcribed, under two very juſt and poetical images; but the inference drawn from it in the concluſion, is certainly carried too far. It might, perhaps, have become an Heathen to prevent an ill, without reſpecting the means; but a Chriſtian, thank God, is forbidden to do evil, even though good ſhould come of it.
In the continuance of this ſoliloquy, Brutus gives a ſtrong deſcription of the ſtate of mind which precedes the execution of any great or hazardous purpoſe.
Mr. Addiſon, in his Cato, has a reflection of the ſame kind; but it would be illiberal to quote it here, after the ſtrength of imagery and expreſſion in this of Shakeſpeare's—Beſides, indeed, as Doctor Warburton candidly allows, ‘There was a great difference between the two occaſions’ —Even as much, we may add, as there is between the two ſpeeches.
SCENE II.
The needleſsneſs of oaths to bind compacts be⯑tween honeſt men, to which, indeed, might be added the inſufficiency of them to bind knaves, is well urged in this place.
When the cautious Caſſius propoſes to the con⯑ſpirators that they ſhall all enter into a ſolemn cove⯑nant together, to ſanctify their mutual engagements, [451] the nobler Brutus oppoſes it, in the following words:
Cicero is then propoſed to be added to their league, and for the following good and prudent reaſon:
But he is objected to, on account of a ſort of character, which is not uncommon in life, and is juſtly deſcriptive alſo of the perſon to whom it is applied; who, though certainly a very great man, [452] was, notwithſtanding, a vain and ſelf-opinionated one likewiſe.
Afterwards, when Caſſius urges the expediency of in⯑volving Antony in the ſame doom with Caeſar, Brutus very nobly refuſes to concur, upon the following reaſons:
It were much to be wiſhed, for the ſake both of decency and humanity, that ſuch a ſentiment as this, was the ſpirit of laws relative to all capital puniſhments.—Breaking on the wheel, empaling, and other foreign penalties of death, are horrible even to thought; and what muſt they be to the view! Even our own code, though reckoned milder than our neighbours, is hardly leſs barbarous; in the inſtances of quartering, burning, and preſſing to death, if executed according to the full rigour of the ſentence. But the hangman, it ſeems, has more [453] humanity than the legiſlature, as he is ſaid always to render the criminal ſenſeleſs, before he proceeds to the ſeverity of the ſtatute. He firſt kills the ſpirit, the demon of the law, and then only executes the dead letter of it.
There is a ſentiment upon this ſubject, in a late writing, which I think may very properly be quoted here. ‘I would have all laws mild, but executed with the utmoſt ſtrictneſs; ſo that juſtice and humanity may go hand in hand together. I am not for ſevere executions; for when the penalty exceeds the offence, it is not the criminal, but human nature that ſuffers. Death alone is ſuffi⯑cient to remove the offender *.’
But methinks this argument might be urged ſtill further in favour of clemency—Suppoſe we ſhould reaſon thus: ‘All laws are a mutual compact of ſociety entered into with itſelf. The Many can confide to the Few thoſe rights only, which they reſpectively poſſeſs in themſelves. To confer a power of death, then, ſhould ſeem to imply a right of ſuicide.’ I declare myſelf unable to de⯑tect any manner of ſophiſtry, in ſuch a ſyllogiſm.
SCENE IV.
The philoſophy of death is well enough argued here, according to the old Stoical doctrine of fate, or predeſtination. This ſhould ſeem to be a good notion for a mere ſoldier; but yet we do not find, in the late carnage †, that it rendered the Turks braver, who believe in it, than it did the Ruſſians, who do not.
ACT III.
[454]SCENE I.
Caeſar ſpeaks a ſentence here, which ſhews him to have been worthy of a better fate.
When Artemidorus, upon ſeeing the number of papers preſented to him on his march to the capital, cries out,
he replies, in the true ſpirit of a prince, ‘What touches us ourſelf, ſhall be laſt ſerved.’
And afterwards, when Metellus Cimber pleads for the repeal of his brother's baniſhment, he anſwers him with the proper ſteadineſs of a perſon intruſted with the executive province of a legiſlature,
I cannot help thinking, that the Poet has not given either Caeſar fair play for his life, or Brutus for his character, in bringing on the aſſaſſination ſo immediately after the one has uttered, and the other heard, the two foregoing ſpeeches.
The laſt ſentence above was not neceſſary to be quoted, for the purpoſe of the ſpeech, merely, as far as it had been ſpecified in the note which pre⯑cedes [455] it; but I confeſs that I was anxious to pro⯑duce it, in order to take an opportunity of vindi⯑cating our Author from an abſurdity of expreſſion, which has been ſo diſingenuouſly imputed to him by his rival, Ben Johnſon, who charges him with hav⯑ing wrote that paſſage thus: ‘"Caeſar never did wrong, but with juſt cauſe."’
Now, O rare Ben Johnſon *, what manner of foundation could'ſt thou have for ſuch a ſarcaſm, except in the envious malice of thine own nature? for the very copy from which the preſent text is taken, was publiſhed in thine own life-time.
Or, ſuppoſe that the line had really ſtood as Johnſon has pretended to have quoted it, might not any candid critic, who was at all verſed in the lati⯑tude of expreſſion generally made uſe of by Shake⯑ſpeare, have ſufficiently obviated the contradiction in the terms, by only conſtruing the word wrong, into the ſenſe of injury? for a penalty is certainly an injury †, though not a wrong.
I hope my Reader will not think this note to be any manner of interruption to the general tenor of theſe remarks, as he muſt acknowledge that there is a proper moral in defending the Author of this great code of Ethics, from any aſperſion thrown out againſt his ſenſe, meaning, or character.
In the laſt paſſage of this Scene, the two prin⯑cipal patriots, Brutus and Caſſius, ſhew a noble ſpirit, in not endeavouring to ſupport themſelves after the deed by faction, in the common ſenſe of the word, truſting ſolely to the juſtice and policy they had preſumed in the act itſelf, for their ſecurity and defence.
[456]Caſſius, ſpeaking to Publius, who was preſent at the tranſaction, but not any way concerned in the conſpiracy, ſays,
SCENE II.
Beſides that inward complacency which a virtu⯑ous perſon is ſenſible of in the conſciouſneſs of his merits, there is ſomething further in human nature which prompts his reflection forward to the fame which may attend his actions in future times. Our Author has placed this incitement in the ſtrongeſt light, by delivering the ſentiment from the confeſſion of two ſuch ſtoical interlocutors as the following:
SCENE III.
The above exclamation is a dirge which may be juſtly pronounced over the graves of all heroes or other great men, whoſe fame is not founded in virtue.
ACT IV.
SCENE I.
As the following deſcription falls under the head of Character, for which I have long ſince opened [457] an account in theſe remarks, as relative to manners, at leaſt, but often to morals, I ſhall preſent it to the Reader; who muſt have made but little obſervation on life, if it does not bring many reſemblances of the ſame picture into his mind.
Antony and Octavius, ſpeaking of Lepidus, whom they had juſt diſpatched to bring them Caeſar's will:
SCENE II.
The following paſſage may be added to the many inſtances of our Author's knowledge of human na⯑ture, collected from his cloſe obſervations on man⯑kind.
Brutus, having ſent Lucilius to Caſſius, upon ſome friendly or confederate buſineſs between them, aſks him on his return,
SCENE V.
Brutus, on hearing of his wife's death:
Here Brutus ſpeaks like a Stoic, and Caſſius like a man. Such inſtances of apathy are not captivating.
A little after he ſays,
Now, pray, why ſhould Nature be more obedient to neceſſity in ſleeping than in weeping? She has her courſe in both, let proud man boaſt what he will.
A modern writer aſks very juſtly, Why we ſhould be more aſhamed of weeping than of laughing? The firſt emotion, ſays he, ariſes from nobler motives, and more generous principles. Man has been defined to be a riſible animal. Methinks it would be more for the honour of his nature to have been ſtiled a lachrymate one, underſtanding the expreſſion in a moral ſenſe, by diſtinguiſhing between the effect of pain and grief.
Further on, in the ſame Scene, the critical con⯑tingencies of human life are finely illuſtrated by an apt and beautiful ſimile.
ACT V.
[459]SCENE III.
Here the diſciple of Zeno *, being off his guard, betrays a portion of human frailty, in his curioſity and anxiety about the event of the battle; but upon recollecting his philoſophy, he recovers himſelf to his poſture of defence again. Such pretenders are but per⯑formers †, when cloſely examined.
SCENE V.
When Caſſius has killed himſelf, through deſpair, from his having miſtaken the appearances of an action which had turned out in his favour, our au⯑thor makes a juſt reflection upon the fatal effects of error and precipitancy.
SCENE IX.
I ſhall here conclude my remarks upon this Play, with that fine character which Antony draws of Bru⯑tus, in the generous elogy he makes upon his death.
POSTSCRIPT.
[460]The aſſaſſination of Caeſar is a fact famous in hiſtory; but notwithſtanding the heroic opinion which the world has been taught to conceive of it, I confeſs that I have ever reputed its fame as a matter of notoriety rather than of applauſe.
I ſhall only conſider this action in the perſon of Brutus alone, becauſe it has been thought that he was the only one among the conſpirators who had engaged in it upon principle ſolely, as Antony has ſaid above.
Plutarch has debated this ſubject, in his compariſon of Brutus with Dion; and, in my opinion, ſeems to condemn it, upon the whole. At leaſt, if we take in the character he there draws of Caeſar, with the ſtate and circumſtances of the Commonwealth at that political criſis, it plainly appears that he meant to declare againſt it.
His words are: ‘With reſpect to Caeſar, though, whilſt his imperial power was in its infancy, he treated his opponents with ſeverity; yet, as ſoon as that power was confirmed, the tyranny was rather a nominal, than a real thing; for no tyranni⯑cal action could be laid to his charge. Nay, ſuch was the condition of Rome then, that it evidently required a maſter; and Caeſar was no more than a tender and ſkilful phyſician, appointed by Providence to heal the diſtempers of the ſtate. Of courſe the people lamented his death, and were implacably enraged againſt his aſſaſſins.’
Cowley, in his fine Ode to Brutus, brings heavy charges alſo againſt him, on account of this action; though he ſeems only to do ſo, in order to vindicate him from them. But then he does not pretend to defend him, from the facts themſelves, juſtifying him only upon the higher principle which had rendered him guilty of them.
[461]However, I think that he is ſeverer upon his heroe even than Plutarch, by mentioning that weak and unphiloſophic exclamation of his, where he ſays, he had miſtaken virtue for a good, but found it only a name.
This circumſtance his Biographer had favourably ſuffered to paſs unnoticed; and of which Balzac ſays, ‘that Brutus ſeems to lament his diſappointment here, as if he was upbraiding a jilting miſtreſs.’ If he had acted ſolely from virtue, he would not have complained that he had miſſed the reward.
But though the principle might have been ever ſo right, in itſelf, the action was certainly wrong, in him. There are duties involved in duties, ſometimes, which may counteract each other, and thereby ren⯑der what might be the virtue of one perſon, the vice of another. Many ſituations and caſes of this kind may be propoſed; but I ſhall not launch beyond my ſubject.
Brutus had many and great obligations to Caeſar. He owed him his life—nay, 'tis ſaid, even his firſt life *; and had the lives of ſeveral of his friends ſaved alſo at his interceſſion. He had ever lived with him in the greateſt intimacy, and on the footing of his firſt friend. Nay, Caeſar had created himſelf enemies, by his partiality towards him, in the preferring him to poſts of profit and honour, which others, from their ſervices, were better intitled to. One of theſe malecontents was Caſſius, who from that very re⯑ſentment became the firſt mover and principal actor in the conſpiracy. And were all theſe obligations to be cancelled by one daſh of the Stoic's-pen?
[462] Stoical virtues are not always moral ones. Thoſe metaphyſical braveries (for I was wrong in calling them virtues) which exceed the feelings of humanity, have never, as I ſaid before †, been able to inſpire my mind with either admiration or eſteem.
The ſympathy of nature is wanting, and true philoſophy has good reaſon to ſuſpect every prin⯑ciple or motive of action to be ſophiſticate, that bears not this original impreſſion.
ANTONY AND CLEOPATRA.
[]Dramatis Perſonae.
[]- M. ANTONY.
- OCTAVIUS CAESAR.
- AGRIPPA.
- MECAENAS.
- VENTIDIUS.
- ENOBARBUS.
- SEXTUS POMPEY.
- MENAS.
- MENOCRATES.
- EROS.
- SCARUS.
- CLOWN.
- CLEOPATRA.
- her Women.
- CHARMIAN,
- IRAS,
ANTONY and CLEOPATRA.
[465]ACT I.
SCENE III.
THE uſefulneſs of liſtening to advice, and the expediency of bearing to be admoniſhed of our faults, are well recommended in this place.
Antony to the meſſenger from Rome, who ſeems to conceal ill tidings:
In the ſame Scene, the uncertain and wavering mind of man is well deſcribed by Antony, upon hearing of his wife's death:
SCENE V.
Here occurs one of thoſe reflections which Shake⯑ſpeare abounds in, upon the inſtability of popular [466] favour; and the ſimile, by which he expreſſes him⯑ſelf, is admirably ſuited to the occaſion.
ACT II.
SCENE I.
The above paſſage needs no comment, except to obſerve upon the impatience of one of the ſpeakers, and the reſignation of the other. It has often ſur⯑prized me to ſee the intemperance of mind which the generality of men are apt to betray, on the or⯑dinary courſe of Providence, whenever it happens to run counter to their intereſts, or inclinations rather; as the ſentiment of Menecrates delivered above, renders the firſt expreſſion doubtful. One would fancy that ſuch people had never laughed at the ſtory of Xerxes whipping the ſea.
SCENE V.
The laſt paſſage in this Scene is deſcriptive of that natural curioſity with which jealous perſons are uſually affected, of enquiring anxiouſly into every article of mind or feature relative to their rivals.
[467]Cleopatra, upon being informed of Antony's marriage with Octavia, having firſt ſtruck the meſ⯑ſenger of ill news, and drove him off the ſcene, ſpeaks thus to her women!
Queen Elizabeth, according to Sir James Mel⯑ville's report, made the ſame kind of minute inqui⯑ries from him, about her rival, the queen of Scots.
SCENE VII.
The dangerous ſalvo which men ſometimes apply to their conſciences, in profiting of another's crime, at free coſt, as they imagine, is fully expoſed in this Scene. But, in morals, there is no difference between the receiver and the thief; and as the wages of ſin are pronounced to be death, in the Scripture ſenſe of the word, the delinquent who accepts the emoluments of vice, muſt expect to be included under the ſame ſentence.
ACT III.
SCENE I.
Moral writers have been diſtinguiſhed into two claſſes of philoſophy; whereof one ſet of them are ſaid to elevate human nature to the rank of angels, while the other depreciates it to the vileneſs of thoſe, who had once been ſo. But our author repreſents it more impartially, neither inclining to one ſide or the other; for there is not, perhaps, a virtue or a vice in mankind, which he has not pointed out to us, in the ſeveral characters he has occaſionally intro⯑duced into his general drama. In this Scene he has afforded us an inſtance in the latter predicament, by a deſcription of that invidiouſneſs with which men are apt to regard ſuperior merit in others; more eſpecially in thoſe talents, which they are ambitious of ſhining in themſelves.
When Silius adviſes Ventidius to compleat his conqueſt over the Parthians, in order to recommend himſelf the more eminently to the favour of Antony, his general, the old ſoldier makes a reply, which ſhews him not only to have been verſed in camps, but in courts alſo.
SCENE II.
Here follow two paſſages, which for elegance of thought, or beauty of expreſſion, it is not in the power of poetical imagery or language to exceed.
When Octavia is taking leave of her brother Octavius Caeſar, with all the ſhews of a tender af⯑fection, Antony ſays,
And afterwards, when ſhe endeavours to ſpeak to him, but cannot, her difficulty is thus deſcribed:
SCENE V.
Octavius, upon ſeeing his ſiſter returning in a pri⯑vate character to Rome, without having afforded him timely notice to ſend forth a proper retinue to eſcort her, ſays,
[470]There is ſomething more to be underſtood, in this laſt ſentiment, than can be perceived on a careleſs peruſal of it. A warm affection within, naturally inſpires correſpondent emotions without. Theſe are a ſort of ſetting of the jewel, which not only orna⯑ments, but helps to preſerve it. In all the refined paſſions, the delicacy of a ſentiment inſures our con⯑ſtancy, even more than the ſtrength of it. The nice obſervances, the petits ſoins, which in ſuch caſes may be almoſt deemed petites morales, alſo, increaſe the mutual pleaſures and confidences of love and friend⯑ſhip. They are the comets which feed the ſun. Even virtue itſelf, all perfect as it is, requires to be in⯑ſpirited by paſſion; for duties are but coldly per⯑formed, which are but philoſophically fulfilled.
Here is very good advice given, if by the word deſtiny be underſtood Providence; which muſt certainly have been what the Antients meant by it, whenever they had any meaning about it at all; for moſt of the heathens made uſe of the expreſſion, as too many Chriſtians often do of an higher one, without affixing any manner of determinate idea to it in their minds. But the old wiſeacres were not ſatisfied to leave non⯑ſenſe where they found it; they picked up the com⯑mon ſpeech, and elevated vulgar phraſes into philo⯑ſophical principles. Hence the doctrines, that Nature created the world, and that Fate governed it, &c.
SCENE VII.
Here follows a thought, which, though falſe in the ſentiment, is but too true in the practice; and which, therefore, all men ſhould be taught to be aware of.
[471]Antony, taking leave of his friends, after his ſhameful flight at Actium:
As my gentle Readers may expect to be treated with a little of the All for Love of Antony, in this Play, I ſhall here quote a paſſage relative to this ſubject, which we meet with in the preſent Scene.
When Cleopatra appears before him, after his de⯑feat *, he addreſſes himſelf to her thus:
Shakeſpeare, in the above inſtance, appears to have been more galant than Milton, who does not ſuffer Adam to expoſtulate ſo mildly with Eve—
"Out of my ſight, thou ſerpent."
However, we are to conſider the infinite difference between the worlds that were loſt upon thoſe occaſions. But as I do not think that the firſt man was more ex⯑cuſable for following the advice, than the other was for purſuing the galley of his miſtreſs, when ſuch [472] prizes were at ſtake, their reſentments ought to have been expreſſed only againſt themſelves.
SCENE IX.
The natural connection and dependance of the inward upon the outward man, as it is here ex⯑preſſed, is well marked in this place.
When Antony, in a fit of deſpair, goes out to pen a perſonal challenge to Octavius, the following re⯑flection is made:
In this ſame Scene, Enobarbus, ſeeing the down⯑fal of his maſter's fortunes, enters into debate with himſelf, whether he ſhall preſerve his fidelity to him ſtill, or ſhift about, and take part with the con⯑queror; in which ſoliloquy he ſeems fairly to give the preference to the nobler ſide of the queſtion, in his argument, though he afterwards determines againſt it, in his conduct.
But 'tis uſually ſo, in all deliberations of this ſort; for virtue and vice are of ſuch oppoſite natures, that there is no poſſibility of bringing them at all into compariſon by any ſophiſter whoſe judgment has not before been rendered partial and corrupt. So that in ſuch caſes one may venture generally to pronounce, as the Poet does of women, that they who deliberate are loſt.
ACT IV.
[473]SCENE V.
When Antony is told that Enobarbus had gone over to the enemy, but left his cheſts and effects behind him, he ſays,
There is ſuch an heroic liberality of ſoul expreſſed here, as muſt make one lament the misfortunes of the unhappy Antony, even at this diſtance of time— for the fact here repreſented, is taken from hiſtorical record. We may juſtly ſay of him, as the ſoldier does here, upon delivering the meſſage to Enobarbus, ‘Your emperor continues ſtill a Jove.’
Antony was not only a braver and a greater, but a better man than his competitor for empire. Auguſtus was of a worthleſs, mean, jealous, and vengeful nature; though poets, and ſome hiſtorians, have deified him. But princes will have their flatterers. Milton has given one even to the prince of darkneſs *.
SCENE VI.
Here Enobarbus appears to have been equally ſtruck with the generoſity of his maſter, and his own vileneſs; upon which joint reflection he paſſes a very juſt ſentence on himſelf.
SCENE VIII.
[474]The contrition of Enobarbus was ſincere; for here the ſtrong ſenſe of his baſeneſs burſts his ſwoln heart:
I ſhall not pretend to diſpute a knowledge of human nature with Shakeſpeare, but, if he had not given us a repreſentation of this character, I ſhould hardly have been brought to imagine that a breaſt capable of harbouring ſuch treachery and vileneſs, could ever, at the ſame time, have contained a ſpirit of ſo much honour, and ſo ſtrong a ſenſe of ſhame.
One of the centinels, upon ſeeing him ſink down on the ground, ſays to his companion, that he has fallen aſleep; but the other, who had overheard his ſoliloquy, replies, very juſtly,
SCENE XI.
In this place our Author deſcribes the viciſſitudes of life, and the quick ſhiftings of fortune, by an apt and beautiful ſimile.
The reſt of the ſpeech is affecting, but relates not to the deſcription.
ACT V.
SCENE V.
We meet with nothing in this Act worth noting, except a ſpeech made by one of Shakeſpeare's inſpired Clowns in this Scene.
Milton's fine compliment to the ſex, is only This expreſſed with more politeneſs:
But the Clown's expreſſion has a peculiar propriety in it, here, as being applied to Cleopatra, whoſe vices had demoniſed ſuch diſtinguiſhed talents, and tranſcendent beauty, as her's.
CYMBELINE.
[]Dramatis Perſonae.
[]- JACHIMO.
- BELLARIUS.
- GUIDERIUS.
- ARVIRAGUS.
- CLOTEN.
- PISANIO.
- LUCIUS.
- IMOGEN.
CYMBELINE.
[479]ACT I. SCENE VIII.
WHEN the inſidious Jachimo drops myſteri⯑ous hints to the guileleſs Imogen, that he is poſſeſſed of ſome ſecret relative to her huſband, which he heſitates to reveal, ſhe urges him to the diſcovery of it, in theſe words:
The nature of the human mind is well ſhewn here; it preſſes ſtill to know the worſt of every ap⯑prehended evil; though not on account of the argu⯑ment above propoſed, which is rather ingenious than juſt; but merely to ſatisfy the impatience, and re⯑lieve the ſuſpence of doubt. Providence has cer⯑tainly a deſign, in every kind of impreſſion it makes upon its creatures; and the reaſon that Imogen gives here, may, perhaps, be its true one, in this caſe: but what I contend for is, That ſuch a reflection is not the real ſource of our curioſity upon theſe oc⯑caſions. Philoſophy may ſerve to govern our im⯑pulſes, but is incapable of inſpiring them.
ACT III.
SCENE III.
The Reader will require no aſſiſtance to note the morality of the reflections in the following ſpeech, as he goes along, and will alſo be able to recollect the ſeveral obſervations already made upon many ſimilar ones on the ſame reconciling ſubject, in the foregoing part of this Work.
[480]Bellarius, ſpeaking to his two pupils, Guiderius and Arviragus, concealed princes, as they are going a-hunting:
In the ſame Scene this ſubject is renewed again, by the ſame ſpeaker, with further inſtances and richer reflections.
SCENE IV.
Piſanio, ſpeaking of ſlander, ſays,
The above paſſage needs no comment, but what every Reader's experience, either in his own caſe or that of others, may enable him to ſupply.
In the ſame Scene, which is a foreſt, Imogen, upon reading her miſtaken huſband's mandate to Piſanio, requiring him to put her to death, on a preſumption of her having been falſe to his bed, thus exclaims:
Nothing, in ſituation of circumſtance, in thought, or expreſſion, can exceed the beauty or tender effect of the above paſſage. It catches ſuch quick hold of our ſympathy, that we feel as if the ſcene was real, and are at once tranſported amidſt the gloom and ſilence of the foreſt, in ſpite of all the glare of the Theatre, and the loud applauſe of the audience. It is in ſuch inſtances as theſe, that Shakeſpeare has never yet been equalled, and can never be excelled. What a power of natural ſentiment muſt a man have been poſſeſſed of, who could ſo adequately expreſs that kind of ingenuous ſurprize upon ſuch a challenge, which none but a woman can poſſibly feel! Shake⯑ſpeare could not only aſſume all characters, but even their ſexes too—This whole Scene is beautiful, but falls not within our rule to tranſcribe any more of it here. The Commentators are all dumb upon this fine paſſage—not ſilent in admiration, but frozen into ſcholaſtic apathy. One may ſay of ſuch cold critics on Shakeſpeare, what Addiſon does of lukewarm Chriſtians, ‘That they want parts to be devout, and could as ſoon make an epic poem, as a fervent prayer.’
SCENE VII.
[482]The following ſpeech includes too many different articles in it, to be comprehended under any one general head; but the Reader will note the ſeveral particulars of it, in the peruſal.
Imogen, in boy's cloaths, travelling alone through the foreſt, makes this ſoliloquy:
ACT IV.
SCENE III.
There is a true ſpirit of natural bravery expreſſed here. When Cloten meets Guiderius in the foreſt, and challenges him to yield himſelf a priſoner, he replies,
SCENE IV.
[483]After Guiderius has ſlain Cloten in fight, his bro⯑ther Arviragus ſays he envies him the action, and wiſhes for ſome ſuch trial of danger to exerciſe his own ſpirit upon. On this occaſion old Bellarius makes the following reflection:
The notion here expreſſed, is one of the many antient pieces of ſuperſtition that modern philo⯑ſophy has finally deſtroyed. The lion has long ſince loſt its inſtinct for princes, as well as for virgins. Human nature is the ſame throughout; it is edu⯑cation alone that diſtinguiſhes man from man. There are, indeed, great differences often obſervable be⯑tween the talents and intellects of the ſpecies; but this diſtinction is remarked in individuals, only, not in the claſſes of mankind.
SCENE V.
But though I diſpute the argument of Bellarius in the laſt Scene, I allow him perfectly right in this one, where, on giving order for the funeral of Cloten, he ſays,
As I do not meet with any thing further in this Play, for my purpoſe, except a few thoughts which are better expreſſed in former places already taken notice of, I ſhall here conclude my quotations and remarks on this Piece.
TROILUS AND CRESSIDA.
[]Dramatis Perſonae.
[]- AGAMEMNON.
- NESTOR.
- ULYSSES.
- ACHILLES.
- AENEAS.
- ALEXANDER, Squire to Creſſida.
- CRESSIDA.
TROILUS and CRESSIDA.
[487]ACT I.
SCENE III.
THE deſcription of Ajax in this Play is worth tranſcribing, as being humorous in itſelf, agreeing with the repreſentation of him in the Iliad, and becauſe it may be applied alſo in part to many, and in the whole to a few, medley characters that are frequently to be met with in life.
This man, lady, hath robbed many beaſts of their particular ad⯑ditions. He is as valiant as the lion, churliſh as the bear, ſlow as the elephant; a man, into whom Nature hath ſo crouded humours, that his valour is cruſted into folly, his folly ſauced with diſcretion; there is no man hath a virtue, that he has not a glimpſe of; nor any man an attaint, but he carries ſome ſtain of it. He is melan⯑choly without cauſe, and merry againſt the hair; he hath the joints of every thing, but every thing ſo out of joint, that he is a gouty Briareus, many hands, and no uſe; or purblind Argus, all eyes, and no ſight.
SCENE IV.
Creſſida's ſpeech here, in reference to her wooer Troilus, contains very juſt reflections and prudent maxims for the conduct of women, in the dangerous circumſtance of love. What ſhe ſays, would be⯑come the utterance of the moſt virtuous matron, though her own character in this piece is unluckily a bad one. But our Author's genius teemed ſo fertile in document, that he was unable to reſtrain its impulſe, and coolly wait for a fit opportunity of adapting the ſpeaker to the ſpeech. Shakeſpeare's faults ariſe from richneſs, not from poverty; they exceed, not fall ſhort; his monſters never want a head, but have ſometimes two.
SCENE V.
The following dialogue can hardly be thought too long, by thoſe Readers who carefully attend to the ſeveral admirable reflections comprehended in it, upon the dilatory nature of great events, the neceſ⯑ſity of patience and fortitude, with the expediency of deference and obedience to order and authority.
[491]To which Ulyſſes, further on in the ſame Scene, adds,
May I venture here to challenge any thing in the Iliad, where the ſame argument is deliberated upon by the ſame chiefs, (with Homer's gods to aſſiſt their counſels) to equal the juſtneſs of obſervation, the richneſs of imagery, and the copiouſneſs of reflec⯑tion, preſented to us in this reſplendent paſſage? But, as I ſaid before, on a compariſon between Shakeſpeare and Sophocles, 'tis enough to deter⯑mine the literary critics againſt me, that one had writ⯑ten in Engliſh, and the other in Greek.
SCENE VI.
In this place is given us a ſpecimen of the antient chivalry, as firſt inſpired by love and galantry, and exerciſed in honour or defence of women. Aeneas, attended by an herald, bringing a challenge from Hector, to any champion in the Grecian camp who will accept it, delivers himſelf thus:
To which Agamemnon replies:
Old Neſtor's ſpeech upon this occaſion is well worth adding here, both for the humour of his ex⯑preſſions, and to compleat the idea of knight-errantry, in which profeſſion of arms, neither difference of age, or other imparity whatſoever, were allowed to be pleaded as exemptions, by the laws of ſuch ro⯑mantic chivalry.
ACT II. SCENE VIII.
The laſt paſſage in this Scene contains a good ſtricture againſt pride, though ſomewhat too quaintly expreſſed, in the firſt and laſt part of the propo⯑ſition.
He that is proud, eats up himſelf. Pride is his own glaſs, his own trumpet, his own chronicle; and whatever praiſes itſelf but in the deed, devours the deed in the praiſe.
Of all the faults of men, their pride is apt to give us moſt offence; perhaps becauſe it hurts our own *.
ACT III. SCENE VII.
The following ſpeech may very well take Ecce mundum for its motto, as 'tis full of melancholy and mortifying truths. But I don't think the philoſophic and humiliating reflections it contains, become the cha⯑racter of the ſpeaker, as given us by Homer. Achil⯑les, on ſeeing the Grecian chiefs paſs by his tent without taking notice of him, ſays to Patroclus,
In the latter end of the ſame Scene, the inveſti⯑gating faculties neceſſary for a Miniſter, with the arcana imperii, or myſteries of government, are ſtrongly and poetically deſcribed.
ROMEO AND JULIET.
[]Dramatis Perſonae.
[]- ROMEO.
- BENVOLIO.
- FRIAR LAWRENCE.
- NONE.
ROMEO and JULIET.
[497]WERE it my province to have ſelected the poetical beauties of our Author, there are few of his Plays that would have furniſhed me more amply than this. The language abounds with ten⯑derneſs and delicacy, and ſeems to breathe the ſoul of youthful fondneſs; but neither the fable nor the dialogue can afford much aſſiſtance toward my pre⯑ſent purpoſe; as the firſt is founded on a vicious prejudice unknown to the liberal minds of Britons, that of entailing family feuds and reſentments down from generation to generation; and the ſecond, as far, at leaſt, as the lovers are concerned, though poetical and refined, is dictated more by paſſion than by ſentiment.
But as my young Readers might not forgive my paſſing over this Play unnoticed, I ſhall juſt obſerve, that the cataſtrophe of the unhappy lovers ſeems intended as a kind of moral, as well as poetical juſtice, for their having ventured upon an unweighed engagement together, without the concurrence and conſent of their parents. See my reflection on the firſt Scene, Act I. Midſummer Night's Dream, where this duty and obedience is both enforced and re⯑ſtrained.
ACT I. SCENE II.
The firſt paſſage worthy of remark that occurs, is the following definition or deſcription of that paſſion, which, with reſpect to the generality of man⯑kind, frames the happineſs or miſery of their lives.
ACT II. SCENE III.
The allegory here, drawn from a compariſon of the qualities of herbs with the nature of man, is juſt, ingenious, and poetical.
Enter Friar Lawrence, with a baſket, in order to cull ſimples for medicinal uſes.
In the ſame Scene, when Romeo comes to acquaint the Friar that his former flame for the fair Roſaline is extinct *, and a new one, for Juliet, like another phoenix, had ariſen out of its aſhes, the honeſt prieſt thus exclaims:
With this very juſt reflection I ſhall here con⯑clude my notes upon this Play; the remainder of it affording but little matter for further obſervation, being moſtly action, narration, and confuſion. But if my Readers ſhould require ſome apology to be made for the quick conception of paſſion in the character of Juliet, I muſt refer them to my Pre⯑face to Scene IV. Act I. of The Taming of the Shrew.
HAMLET.
[]Dramatis Perſonae.
[]- HAMLET.
- KING.
- POLONIUS.
- LAERTES.
- HORATIO.
- ROSINCRANTZ.
- REYNOLDO.
- QUEEN.
- OPHELIA.
- PLAYERS.
HAMLET.
[503]ACT I.
SCENE II.
IF reaſoning could controul our grief, the King and Queen offer ſufficient arguments to Hamlet, in this Scene, to moderate his.
The King then takes up the ſubject, and enlarges on it.
SCENE V.
[504]In this Scene, Laertes gives moſt excellent ad⯑vice and matronly caution to his ſiſter, upon the ſub⯑ject of Hamlet's addreſſes to her.
SCENE VI.
Polonius, on his ſon's going to travel, gives him admirable rules and inſtructions for his conduct in life.
In the continuation of this Scene, Polonius renews the ſame topic with his daughter, that her brother had begun with her in the former, which is urged with higher authority, and enforced by additional arguments. I ſhall give the dialogue as it ſtands.
SCENE VII.
I ſhall here quote what Hamlet ſays againſt the vice of drinking, as it may ſuit the latitude of England, as well as that of Denmark.
From hence the ſpeaker takes occaſion to extend his reflection into a general obſervation, which moſt people's experience may enable them to ſupport, that ſome accidental peculiarity of mind, of man⯑ners, nay, even of features, have often hurt the characters, and marred the fortunes of particular perſons of intrinſic worth and merit.
SCENE VIII.
There is ſomething extremely remarkable and pleaſing, in the following part of the Ghoſt's ſpeech to Hamlet, here.
[508]He repeats the ſame fond caution to him, again, in Act III. Scene X.
No Eaſtern ſentiment inſpired by the firſt beams of the Sun, and refined by the ſublimeſt morality of Confucius, ever roſe to ſo high a pitch, as the tenderneſs expreſſed in theſe two paſſages toward his wife—even after her crimes. Have either the Greek or Latin maſters of the Epic afforded us ſo beautiful an inſtance of forgiveneſs, and of love ſubſiſting even beyond the grave? They have both of them preſented us with ſcenes after death; but compare the behaviour of Dido upon meeting Aeneas in the Elyſian fields, with this, as being the moſt parallel paſſage I can recollect. He had not been any thing near ſo culpable towards her, as this queen had been to her huſband; and yet the utmoſt temper that the heathen Poet could bring his Ghoſt to, upon that occaſion, was merely to be ſilent, and not upbraid, in ſpeech; though he makes her ſuffi⯑ciently mark her reſentment, by her looks and behaviour.
ACT II.
SCENE I.
Here Polonius gives ſome inſtructions to a perſon he is ſending over to carry money to his ſon at Paris; in which, though he requires him to ſift narrowly into the manner of life, company, and converſation of Laertes, yet he does it with ſo be⯑coming a tenderneſs and parental reſpect to the cha⯑racter of the young man, as is extremely intereſting and engaging.
SCENE II.
Upon this reflection Doctor Johnſon ſays, ‘This is not the remark of a weak man.’ It is not, in⯑deed; but why ſhould Polonius be deemed ſo? He certainly ſpeaks very good ſenſe, throughout, though with the natural and reſpectable mixture of the old man in it; which, methinks, as Addiſon ſays of Cornaro's † ſtile, is an improvement to it. As to the manner in which he deſcribes Hamlet's madneſs, in Scene IV. following, I take it to be only deſigned by Shakeſpeare in ridicule of the old pedantic mode of definitions, or quaint diſtinctions, in logic and philoſophy; the categories, predicaments, and predi⯑cables of the Schools, uſed in thoſe times. There are [510] many inſtances of the ſame oblique ſtrictures, upon other ſubjects, in our Author; I have, therefore, ever thought this character miſtaken, and conſe⯑quently miſrepreſented on the Stage, by its being generally given to a comic actor.
ACT III.
SCENE II.
The famous ſoliloquy of Hamlet, here, To be, or not to be, is ſo generally remembered, and has been ſo often remarked upon, that I might poſſibly be thought guilty of a neglect, in paſſing it by with⯑out a comment. But the ſubject is a hazardous one, and therefore had better not be meddled with. It might, perhaps, bear a diſcuſſion in philoſophy, but religion forbids any manner of debate upon it.
SCENE III.
Shakeſpeare not only affords documents to real life, but ſupplies them even to the mimic one; as may be ſeen in this Scene, where he makes Hamlet give inſtructions to Actors how they ſhould perform their parts. But as there is no moral to be extracted from the paſſage, I ſhall not quote it here.
But all theſe rules, however excellent in them⯑ſelves, may be conſidered rather as ſtrictures on bad performers, than precepts for their reformation. Actors, like Poets, muſt be born, not made; and a receipt to form an Actor, may be conſidered in the ſame light with the one to frame an Epic poem. It is not ſo much from want of notion, as of Nature, that ſo many of the Dramatis Perſonae are found to be deficient in the expreſſion of ſentiment, and repre⯑ſentation of character.
Talents are as neceſſary to Actors, as Genius is to Authors; if I may be allowed ſuch a diſtinction of terms—but neither are to be acquired in the ſchools. All Mr. Garrick's art, without his nature, would produce no effect, as may be ſeen in the many who [511] have laboriouſly, but vainly attempted to copy him. I have known perſons capable of writing a part, who were incapable of performing it. Our Author him⯑ſelf was an inſtance of this inconſiſtency; who, though he formed the rule, could not ſupply the example.
SCENE VI.
In the Strollers' play here introduced, where the Lady is ſaid to proteſt too much, the ſpeech which the Duke her huſband makes upon that occaſion, ſhews a perfect knowledge in the mind and manners of human nature.
SCENE VII.
There is ſomething very affecting in the ſelf-ex⯑poſtulation entered into by Hamlet, in this place, [512] juſt before he proceeds to hold the conference with his mother:
The filial tenderneſs here expreſſed towards her, is in the ſame generous ſtrain with the conjugal one before taken notice of, in the Ghoſt's ſpeech; But howſoever thou purſueſt this act, &c.
SCENE VIII.
Upon the king's expreſſing an apprehenſion of ſome commotion in the State, which might ariſe from Hamlet's madneſs, Roſincrantz makes the fol⯑lowing ſpeech:
The reflections in the above ſpeech contain a very juſt and political moral in them; which ought to be oppoſed to all rebellious motions that may ever ariſe in the minds of a diſcontented people. If after ſuch a pauſe of deliberation, it ſhall fail of producing its proper effect, there muſt be ſuffi⯑cient [513] cauſe to ſuſpect, that the private advantage of individuals is more intended than the general one of the community. I do not mean to plead here for the old and juſtly exploded doctrines of paſſive obe⯑dience and non-reſiſtance; but only to hint a diſtinction between reaſon and reſentment, between rebellion and defence.
The following ſpeech in the ſame Scene will ſup⯑ply its own reflections and morals, without the aſ⯑ſiſtance of a comment.
After ſome time he riſes, and ſays,
SCENE X.
In the latter end of the conference between Hamlet and his mother, he makes a ſpeech, upon the power of cuſtom, which ſhould be engraved on our hearts, and be the matin ſoliloquy of our lives.
ACT IV.
SCENE IV.
The following ſpeech of Hamlet contains a very philoſophic reflection, and is the proper ſentiment of men who are not brutes in their nature, and de⯑ſerve to periſh like them.
SCENE V.
When the Queen ſuffers Ophelia in her madneſs to be admitted to her preſence, leſt her pitiable con⯑dition [515] might raiſe a tumult in the city, ſhe makes this ſoliloquy:
ACT V. SCENE IV.
Here follows the deſcription of an obſequious, empty, but impoſing character, ſuch as is frequently to be met with in life; moſtly in Courts, or among thoſe who, by a modern unmeaning title, are ſtiled, The Ton—Vox et praeterea nihil ‖.
Hamlet, ſpeaking of Oſrick,
He did compliment with his dug before he ſucked it. Thus has he, and many more of the ſame breed, that I know the droſſy age dotes on, only got the tune of the time, and outward habit of encounter; a kind of yeſty * collection, which carries them thro' and thro' the moſt fanned and winnowed opinions; and do but blow them to their trials, the bubbles are out.
In the ſame Scene, juſt before his going to engage with Laertes on the trial of ſkill, Hamlet hints at one of thoſe forebodings frequent in the hu⯑man mind, and already remarked upon in former places.
Thou wouldſt not think how ill all's here about my heart—But 'tis no matter.
Nay, my good lord.
It is but foolery; but it is ſuch a kind of gain-giving §, as would, perhaps, trouble a woman.
If your mind diſlike any thing, obey it. I will fore⯑ſtal their repair hither, and ſay you are not fit.
[516]To which the gallant Hamlet replies, with a manly and philoſophic ſpirit,
Not a whit; we defy augury. There is a ſpecial Pro⯑vidence in the fall of a ſparrow *. If it be now, 'tis not to come; if it be not to come, it will be now; if it be not now, yet it will come; the readineſs is all. Since no man knows aught of what he leaves, what is't to leave betimes?
This is, in my opinion, a much better ſpeech than the one that Julius Caeſar makes, in our Author's Play under that title: ‘Cowards die many times before their death, &c.’
POSTSCRIPT.
Shaftsbury, ſpeaking of Hamlet, ſays, ‘That piece of Shakeſpeare's, which appears to have moſt affected Engliſh hearts, and has, perhaps, been ofteneſt acted of any that have come upon our ſtage, is almoſt one continued moral; a ſeries of deep reflections drawn from one mouth, upon the ſubject of one ſingle accident and calamity, naturally fitted to move horror and compaſſion.’
‘It may be ſaid of this Play, if I miſtake not, that it has properly but one character, or principal part. It contains no adoration or flattery of the ſex; no ranting at the gods; no bluſtering heroiſm; nor any thing of that curious mixture of the fierce and tender, which makes the hinge of modern tragedy, and nicely varies it between the points of love and honour.’
OTHELLO.
[]Dramatis Perſonae.
[]- DUKE of Venice.
- OTHELLO.
- CASSIO.
- IAGO.
- BRABANTIO.
- RODORIGO.
- DESDEMONA.
- AEMILIA.
OTHELLO.
[519]SHAKESPEARE has written three pieces on the ſubject of jealouſy; the Winter's Tale, Cym⯑beline, and this one, beſides the character of Ford, in the Merry Wives. But ſuch was the richneſs of his genius, that he has not borrowed a ſingle thought, image, or expreſſion, from any one of them, to aſſiſt him in any of the others. The ſubject ſeems rather to have grown progreſſively out of itſelf, to have inſpired its own ſentiments, and have dictated its own language. This Play, in my opinion, is very juſtly conſidered as the laſt and greateſt effort of our Author's genius, and may, therefore, be looked upon as the chef d'oeuvre of dramatic compoſition.
How perfectly does Othello's conduct throughout, correſpond with Iago's deſcription of it in the latter end of the Firſt Act!
Such a character is not uncommon in life; whoſe virtues, ariſing more from an excellence of nature, than an exertion of philoſophy, is led to judge of others by itſelf, and of courſe become the dupe of art and villainy.
ACT I.
SCENE IV.
Othello here expreſſes a very juſt and liberal ſenſe of a matrimonial connection.
SCENE IX.
[520]The argument between philoſophy and feeling, in caſes of misfortune or grief, is well debated here. The Duke, preaching patience to the father, upon his daughter's elopement with the Moor, ſays,
I may poſſibly be reprehended, by ſome ſevere moraliſts, for noting the equipoiſe of ſuch an argu⯑ment as this. In this inſtance, indeed, I confeſs that I act contrary to the uſual tenor of document, which always takes part on the wiſe ſide of a queſ⯑tion. But, as I have ſaid before †, I do not think that ethic philoſophy can ever be a gainer, by over⯑ſtraining the ſinews of the human mind. We ought neither to be votaries to the Cynic nor the Stoic ſects. We ſhould not, with Diogenes, follow Nature in the mere animal ſenſe of the expreſſion, nor with Zeno fly beyond it, in the metaphyſical one. True [521] virtue has no extremes. Its ſphere extends not be⯑yond the Temperate Zones. It ſleeps in the Frozen, and but raves in the Torrid ones.
SCENE X.
I have before obſerved upon the exuberance of Shakeſpeare's document and moral. He ſo much abounds in maxim and reflection, that he appears fre⯑quently at a loſs to find proper characters, through⯑out even his own extenſive drama, ſufficient to parcel them out to; ſo that he is frequently obliged to make his fools talk ſenſe, and ſet his knaves a⯑preaching. An inſtance of the latter impropriety may be ſeen in the following paſſage, which contains both ſound philoſophy, and uſeful admonition. But that it may have the better effect on my readers, I wiſh that whenever they remember the ſpeech, they could contrive to forget the ſpeaker.
What ſhould I do? I confeſs it is my ſhame to be ſo fond; but it is not in my virtue to amend it.
Virtue? a fig. 'Tis in ourſelves that we are thus, or thus. Our bodies are our gardens, to the which our wills are gardeners. So that if we will plant nettles, or ſow lettuce; ſet hyſſop, and weed up thyme; ſupply it with one gender of herbs, or diſtract it with many; either have it ſterile with idleneſs, or manured with in⯑duſtry; why, the power and corrigible authority of this lies in our will. If the ballance of our lives had not one ſcale of reaſon, to poiſe another of ſenſuality, the blood and baſeneſs of our natures would conduct us to moſt prepoſterous concluſions.
The plea that Rodorigo offers above, for remaining ſtill under the dominion of a lawleſs paſſion, is framed upon a fatal error, too prevalent in the world, that virtue is a peculiar gift from Heaven, granted ſpeciali gratiâ, as it were, to particular and choſen perſons. Hence indolent minds are apt to conclude it a vain taſk to reſtrain their paſſions, or reſiſt their tempta⯑tions, without the ſupernatural aid of ſuch an innate endowment. Iago, in his reply, reaſons very juſtly againſt this dangerous and diſcouraging doctrine of partial grace; in ſupport of which argument I ſhall [522] here add a paſſage from a modern writer, who, ſpeaking on this ſubject, ſays, ‘The difficulties we apprehend, more than thoſe we find, in the ſtrife with all our paſſions, is the only thing that pre⯑vents philoſophy or virtue from being commonly attainable in general life. What makes the dif⯑ference between a chaſte woman, and a frail one? The one had ſtruggled, and the other not. Between a brave man and a coward? The one had ſtruggled, and the other not. An honeſt man and a knave? One had ſtruggled, the other not *.’
ACT II. SCENE XIV.
There is a good deal of after-wit reflection here, which, however, may ſerve as a forewarning, perhaps, to ſome of my Readers. Iago ſeeing Caſſio deſpond⯑ing, on being caſhiered by Othello, aſks if he be hurt? To which he replies,
Paſt all ſurgery.—Reputation, reputation, reputation! Oh, I [...]ave loſt the immortal part of me, and what remains is beſtial. Oh, thou inviſible ſpirit of wine! if thou haſt no name to be known by, let us call thee Devil.—I will aſk him for my poſt again, and he ſhall tell me I am a drunkard! Had I as many mouths as Hydra, ſuch an anſwer would ſtop them all. To be now a ſenſible man, by and by a fool, and preſently a beaſt! Every inordinate cup is unbleſſed, and the ingredient is a devil.
ACT III.
SCENE V.
The following paſſage will ſpeak for itſelf:
In the ſame Scene, Othello, while his alarmed mind is ſtruggling between confidence and convic⯑tion, [523] delivers himſelf on the ſubject with a liberal and manly ſpirit.
SCENE XII.
It has often ſurprized me, to find the character of Deſdemona ſo much miſtaken and ſlighted, as it too generally is. It is ſimple, indeed, but that is one of its merits: for the ſimplicity of it is that of in⯑nocence, not of folly. In my opinion, ſhe ſeems to be as perfect a model of a wife, as either this author, or any other writer, could poſſibly have framed. She ſpeaks little; but whatever ſhe ſays is ſenſible, pure, and chaſte. The remark ſhe makes in this place, on the alteration of Othello's manners towards her, affords a very proper admonition to all women in her ſituation and circumſtances.
[524]She had ſaid to himſelf before,
And afterwards, in confeſſing herſelf before Iago and Aemilia,
And further on, where Aemilia ſays to her, of Othello, ‘I wiſh you had never ſeen him!’ She replies,
As the married ſtate is both the deareſt and moſt ſocial connection of life, I think this a proper paſ⯑ſage to conclude my obſervations with, on a work in which is comprehended the compleateſt ſyſtem of the oeconomical and moral duties of human nature, that perhaps was ever framed by the wiſdom, phi⯑loſophy, or experience of uninſpired man.
A GENERAL POSTSCRIPT.
[525]THERE are many favourite paſſages in Shake⯑ſpeare, which moſt of my Readers have got by heart, and miſſing here, may poſſibly object to my having neglected to quote or obſerve upon them, in their proper places. But my intention, in this Work, was not to propound the beauties of the Poet, but to expound the document of the Moraliſt, throughout his writings.
So far from being inſenſible to the other excel⯑lencies of this Author, I have ever thought him by much the greateſt poet of our nation, for ſub⯑limity of idea, and beauty of expreſſion. Perhaps I may even think myſelf guilty of ſome injuſtice, in limiting his fame within the narrow confines of theſe kingdoms; for, upon a compariſon with the much venerated names of Antiquity, I am of opi⯑nion, that we need not ſurrender the Britiſh Palm, either to the Grecian Bay, or the Roman Laurel, with regard to the principal parts of poetry; as thought, ſentiment, or deſcription—And though the dead languages are confeſſed to be ſuperior to ours, yet even here, in the very article of diction, our Author ſhall meaſure his pen with any of the antient ſtyles, in their moſt admired compound and decom⯑pound epithets, deſcriptive phraſes, or figurative expreſſions. The multitudinous ſea, ear-piercing fife, big war, giddy maſt, ſky-aſpiring, heaven-kiſſing hill, time-honoured name, cloud-capt towers, heavenly-harneſſed team, raſh gunpowder, poliſhed perturbation, gracious ſilence, golden care, trumpet-tongued, thought-executing fires; with [526] a number of other words, both epic and comic, are inſtances of it. But with regard to the moral ex⯑cellencies of our Engliſh Confucius, either for beauty or number, he undoubtedly challenges the wreath from the whole collective Hoſt of Greek or Roman Writers, whether ethic, epic, dramatic, didactic, or hiſtoric.
Mrs. Montagu ſays, very juſtly, that ‘We are apt to conſider Shakeſpeare only as a poet; but he is certainly one of the greateſt moral philo⯑ſophers that ever lived.’ And this is true; be⯑cauſe, in his univerſal ſcheme of doctrine, he com⯑prehends manners, proprieties, and decorums; and whatever relates to theſe, to perſonal character, or national deſcription, falls equally within the great line of morals. Horace prefers Homer to all the philoſophers,
And ſurely Shakeſpeare pleniùs et meliùs excels him again, as much as the living ſcene exceeds the dead letter, as action is preferable to didaction, or repre⯑ſentation to declamation.
Example is better than precept. A dramatic moral affords us the benefit of both, at once. Plato wiſhed that Virtue could aſſume a viſible form. Dramatic exhibition gives one, both to Virtue and to Vice. The abſtract idea is there materialized. The contraſt of character, too, affords an additional ſtrength to the moral; as we are led to love virtue, on a double account, by being made to abhor vice, at the ſame time. The dramatic moraliſt poſſeſſes a manifeſt advantage over the doctrinal one. Mere deſcriptions of virtue or vice do not ſtrike us, ſo ſtrongly, as the viſible repreſentations of them. Richard the Third's dream, Lady Macbeth's ſoli⯑loquy in her ſleep, the Dagger Scene in the ſame Play, Cardinal Beaufort's laſt moments, with many other paſſages in our Author, of the ſame admoni⯑tory [527] kind, avail us more than whole volumes of Tully's Offices, or Seneca's Morals.
In this ſcenic province of inſtruction, our repre⯑ſentations are much better calculated to anſwer the end propoſed, than thoſe of the Antients were, on account of the different hours of exhibition. Theirs were performed in the morning; which circumſtance ſuffered the ſalutary effect to be worn out of the mind, by the buſineſs or avocations of the day. Ours are at night; the impreſſions accompany us to our couch, ſupply matter for our lateſt reflec⯑tions, and may ſometimes furniſh the ſubject of our very dreams.
But Shakeſpeare ſeems to have extended his views ſtill further; by frequently interſperſing alluſions to the Scriptures, throughout his writings. I would not have the old Myſteries reſtored to the Stage, nor ſhould Dramatic Dialogue exceed into Sermons; but I think, that ſuch occaſional hints or paſſages, as this Author has ſupplied, when thrown in ſparingly, and introduced with diſcretion, may ſometimes ſerve to add a ſtrength and dignity to the ſtile and ſubject of ſuch compoſitions; beſides the advantage of pro⯑ducing, perhaps, effects of an higher nature, by calling our attention to more ſerious reflections, in the very midſt of our pleaſures and diſſipations, with⯑out ſinking our ſpirits, or damping our enjoyments; awakening us to the contemplation of a religion ſo pure, ſo equally free from the ſeverities of diſci⯑pline, and the ſuperſtitions of devotion; of a ſyſtem of theology, framed even as Man himſelf would chuſe; in fine, of a faith and doctrine, which has but ſtronger bound the ſocial ties, given an higher ſanction to moral obligations, and proved our duty to be our intereſt alſo.
Having now arrived at the laſt page of my taſk, I muſt confeſs the apprehenſions I am ſenſible of, on preſenting to the Public a Work of ſo much diffi⯑culty and danger: though with regard to the firſt of [528] theſe articles, I acknowledge this to have been one in the claſs of thoſe, of which Ferdinand in the Tempeſt ſays,
But in reſpect to the latter, I muſt here throw my⯑ſelf not only upon the candor, but the indulgence of my Readers; hoping that the many failures in the execution may be pardoned, on the ſingle merit of the deſign.
Vanned of [...]in [...]ed, inſtead of varniſhed. Warburton.
Theſe three alterations certainly preſerve the purity of the metaphor from the manifeſt corruption of the text.
Spleen. Shakeſpeare uſes this word in a ſenſe peculiar to himſelf, for ſudden, haſty, and raſh—In the Midſummer Night's Dream, he applies it to lightning.
The Commentator, by the word hair, in this place, underſtands complexion or character, and finds fault with the harſhneſs of the metaphor. But I think, from the laſt part of the ſentence, that the Poet meant the expreſſion literally. Wor⯑ceſter compares the ſtightneſs of their cauſe to a ſingle hair, which is a thing of too ſubtile a nature to bear being divided.
This paſſage ſeems to be an imitation of a Latin ſentence I have ſomewhere met with▪ and venture to quote from memory only—Spes aquilas ſupervola [...]; Hope ſoars beyond an eagle's flight.
I do not mean to adduce this inſtance, in order to ſupport an opinion of Shake⯑ſpeare's learning; but merely to ſhew that good wits may ſometimes fly, as well as jump together. The ſevereſt critic may ſurely pardon a play on words, in a comment upon ſo ſportive an author. It would be an invidious reflection on our poet's fame, to ſuppoſe him to have been a ſcholar. A genius lends thoughts, a ſcho⯑lar but borrows them.
Wait, inſtead of hate.
Maims, inſtead of mean.
Braves, inſtead of ſlaves.
Part of the above deſcription reſembles what Viola ſays, in Twelfth-Night:
Attorned inſtead of returned.
Alluding to a Poem of our Author's, on the ſtory of Tarquin and Lucrece, where he deſcribes his ſtealing to her chamber in the dead of night.
And in Cymbeline he makes Jachimo ſay,
Inſtead of death.
"Unreaſonable ¶ creatures feed their young, &c.
‘The alluſion is to the ſun's diurnal courſe; which riſing in the eaſt, and by revolution lowering, or ſetting in the weſt, becomes the oppoſite to itſelf.’
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THE MORALITY OF SHAKESPEARE's DRAMA ILLUSTRATED.
[]The TEMPEST.
THIS Play, and the Midſummer Night's Dream, which in all the latter editions immediately follows it, are conſidered by Dr. Warburton, ‘as the nobleſt effort of that ſub⯑lime and amazing imagination, peculiar to Shake⯑ſpeare, which ſoars above the bounds of Nature, without forſaking Senſe; or, more properly, car⯑ries Nature along with it, beyond her terreſtrial limits.’
He has, indeed, in both theſe exhibitions, created Beings out of all viſible exiſtence; or, as he has him⯑ſelf moſt beautifully expreſſed it,
Yet by the powers of his genius has he contrived to make theſe chimeras of his brain think, act, and ſpeak, in a manner which appears ſo ſuited to the anomalous perſonages his magic has conjured up, that [2] we readily adopt them into the ſcale of Nature, from a preſumption, that were they really to exiſt, they would probably reſemble the characters which his wand has endowed them with.
Theſe two plays are generally ſuppoſed to have been the firſt and ſecond of his writing; though I believe there are no dates remaining, to confirm this opinion; which can therefore be founded only on the idea, that his youthful imagination muſt naturally be thought to have been more ſportive and exuberant, than his riper judgment might have permitted the indulgence of. And here, indeed,
though, if I may be allowed the liberty of a criti⯑ciſm about this matter, I ſhould be rather inclined to ſuppoſe this Play to have been one of his latter performances, as all the unities are ſo ſtrictly pre⯑ſerved in it.
But though both theſe pieces poſſeſs all the leſſer merits of poeſy, they are not ſo much ſuited to the pur⯑poſe of my preſent undertaking, eſpecially the ſecond, as ſeveral others of the ſame author; for the moſt material events, in both, being principally conducted by machinery, or ſupernatural agency, produce rather aſtoniſhment than reflection: ſo that unleſs we adopt Dr. Johnſon's remark, in the firſt ſcene of the Tem⯑peſt, ‘it may be obſerved of Gonzalo, that being the only good man that appears with the King, he is the only one who preſerves his chearfulneſs in the wreck, or his hope on the iſland,’ there is not ſo much to be collected from them, as I could wiſh, to be placed to the ſcore of Morality. However, all that can be extracted from either, referrible to this head, ſhall be diligently pointed out to the reader. With this view I ſhall lay the Fable of this Play before my reader, for the ſake of the Moral, which may be ſo fairly deduced from it.
[3]Proſpero, a duke of Milan, having been ex⯑pelled his dominion, by the uſurpation of his brother Anthonio, confederated with Alonzo, a king of Na⯑ples, is committed to the mercy of the winds and waves, in a rotten bark, accompanied only by his daughter, Miranda, a child of three years old; but has had the good fortune to eſcape, and be landed on an uninhabited iſland; where the firſt ſcene is laid, and the intire action continued, during the whole repreſentation.
About twelve years after this event, Anthonio, with Alonzo, Ferdinand his ſon, and other attendants, being on a voyage together, are driven out of their courſe, by a ſtorm, and wrecked upon this iſland, but eſcape alive on ſhore; where the Prince, meeting with Miranda, falls in love with her, and a reci⯑procal paſſion is conceived on her part, alſo.
Proſpero, having thus got his enemies within his power, on their repentance, generouſly forgives them their cruelty and injuſtice, recovers his dukedom again, and the marriage of the lovers confirms an alliance on both ſides.
From this ſhort ſtory I think the following general Moral will naturally reſult: That the ways, the juſtice, and the goodneſs of Providence, are ſo frequently manifeſted towards mankind, even in this life, that it ſhould ever encourage an honeſt and a guiltleſs mind to form hopes, in the moſt forlorn ſituations; and ought alſo to warn the wicked never to reſt aſſured in the falſe confidence of wealth or power, againſt the natural abhorrence of vice, both in God and man.
Many of the unforeſeen events of life, which ap⯑pear to us but accident or contingency, may poſſibly be parts of the ſecret workings of Provi⯑dence, ‘All chance direction which we cannot ſee;’ and have oftener been remarked rather as chaſtiſe⯑ments of vice, than as reliefs from miſery. We are [4] ſenſible in our own nature, of a ſtronger impulſe to reſent the firſt, than even to commiſerate the latter. How much higher, then, muſt this ſentiment riſe, in the Author of that very nature! In wretchedneſs there is no contagion, 'tis but particular and tempo⯑rary: the effects of vice are general and eternal.
Part of a ſpeech in this play may be better quoted here, than elſewhere, as it refers ſo immediately to this ſubject.
Let us now proceed to the particular maxims and ſentiments which occur from the ſeveral parts of the Dialogue.
ACT I.
SCENE II.
Miranda, ſpeaking of the ſhipwreck, thus ex⯑preſſes her ſympathetic feelings for the wretched.
[5]There is ſomething in the fond expreſſion of good ſhip, in the laſt line but one, which ſtrikes me with an idea of a peculiar tenderneſs in her compaſſion for the unhappy ſufferers.
Proſpero, confeſſing the mad folly of truſting his reins of adminiſtration into other hands, ſays,
And again, ſpeaking of the ſame perſon,
In continuation,
In this account of the Duke's weakneſs, with the natural conſequences attending it, the Poet has af⯑forded a proper leſſon to princes, never to render themſelves cyphers in their government, by too dan⯑gerous a confidence in their favourites; but ever to conſider thoſe perſons, to whom they depute the ſe⯑veral offices of State, as miniſters, in the literal ſenſe of the word, only, not in the political one.
[6]When Proſpero deſcribes the hazards and difficul⯑ties of his forlorn voyage, Miranda tenderly ex⯑claims,
To which he, in a kind of extaſy of fondneſs, re⯑plies,
Here the Poet finely points to that virtue of true manhood, which ſerves to ſtrengthen our fortitude and double our activity, when objects, whom the ties of Nature, or the ſympathy of affections, have en⯑deared to us, require our ſolace or aſſiſtance in diſtreſs or danger. While our cares center-ſolely in our⯑ſelves, we are but one; but become two, where the heart is ſhared.
Here the too general diſſipations of life are hinted at, and thoſe parents cenſured, who transfer the pious duty of their children's education to merce⯑nary preceptors; except in the meaner articles of it, the arts, exerciſes, and ſciences. Too few attend to the higher and more intereſting charge, of forming the mind and directing the heart to their proper objects; and fewer ſtill, in deputing it to others, ſeem to regard the chief requiſites, of character, or capacity, in thoſe they intruſt with this office, look⯑ing upon competent ſcholarſhip to be alone ſuffi⯑cient.
But a liberal education, as far as it extends in Col⯑leges and Schools, does not always give a liberal [7] mind; and as example is allowed to exceed precept, ſo do thoſe ſentiments and principles which we imbibe in youth from the living manners of our tutors, ‘Grow with our growth, and ſtrengthen with our ſtrength.’ Thoſe only are capable of ſinking into the heart, and imbuing the mind, while mere didactic maxims remain a load upon the memory alone. The firſt only inſpire us how to act, the latter but inſtruct us how to ſpeak.
This paſſage furniſhes a prudent and neceſſary reflection to the mind of the reader, that man's ſuc⯑ceſs in life often depends upon ſome lucky and critical occaſion, which, ſuffered to ſlip by, may ne'er return again. Shakeſpeare expreſſes himſelf more fully on this ſubject, in another place *. Some other poet too preſents us with a poetical image to the ſame purpoſe, where he ſays that ‘opportunity is bald behind †.’
SCENE III.
Doctor Johnſon, in a note upon this paſſage, has given us the traditionary ſyſtem of the Hebrews re⯑lative to the Fallen Angels; which has afforded me a hint, that tempts me to conſider the tenor of this ſcene in a more intereſting light, by obſerving upon the impatience of Ariel, a condemned ſpirit, claiming, under his ſervitude, the promiſed redemption, before he had fulfilled the commands of his maſter. This alluſion, whether Shakeſpeare intended it or no, is ſo obvious, that there would not require the [8] alteration of a ſyllable, to have it inſerted among the Myſteries *. Men would be Chriſtians upon their own terms, only, and are too apt to think that faith and fear, without love or works, are ſufficient for the pur⯑poſe.
ACT II.
SCENE I.
Gonzalo, comforting and cheering up the ſpirits of his companions in the wreck, ſpeaks with a be⯑coming reſignation and proper gratitude towards Providence:
An uncouth or ſevere manner of giving reproof, or offering advice, is very juſtly, and with equal good ſenſe and tenderneſs, reflected upon by Gon⯑zalo, in the following paſſage:
SCENE II.
Trinculo moſt humourouſly ridicules the paſſion of the Engliſh for ſtrange ſights, in the following re⯑flection, on ſeeing Caliban lying aſleep on the ground, whom he takes for a dead ſea-monſter, juſt caſt aſhore by the working of the waves. ‘Were I in England, now, as once I was, and had but this fiſh painted, not a holy-day fool there but would give a piece of ſilver. There would this monſter make a man; any ſtrange beaſt there makes a man. When they will not give a doit to relieve a lame beggar, they will lay out ten to ſee a dead Indian.’ [9] Not, however, that this foible can fairly be in⯑duced againſt us, as a national reflection, by any means; for it is not peculiar to this, or any other particular people, but will be found to be the com⯑mon diſpoſition and idle curioſity of mankind, in general. There is another piece of ſarcaſm, alſo, thrown out, in the ſame ſpeech, as unjuſt as the former: When they will not give a doit to relieve a lame beggar. No nation on the globe is more diſtin⯑guiſhed for charity, humanity, and benevolence, than the Engliſh are, at preſent. And this muſt have been always their characteriſtic; for manners may refine, but cannot create, virtues. Poliſhing may give taſte, but feelings come from nature.
After Trinculo has recovered from his fright, and finds Caliban to be but an harmleſs ſavage, ſo very ſimple as to believe Stephano to be the Man in the Moon; he ſays, ‘By this good light, this is a very ſhallow monſter—I afraid of him? a very ſhallow monſter. The man i' th' Moon? a moſt poor credulous monſter.’
'Tis to be obſerved, here, that he was not charged with having been afraid, nor did any one know of it, but himſelf; and it was this very conſciouſneſs that forced ſuch a bravado from him. This is Doctor Warburton's remark. 'Tis a juſt one, and may be rendered general, by obſerving, that, upon all occaſions, too prompt a defence of ourſelves, is a ſort of ſelf-accuſation.
ACT III.
SCENE I.
Ferdinand's firſt ſpeech, here, prettily expreſſes that kind of chearfulneſs with which a perſon un⯑dertakes labour, or executes the meaneſt or moſt irkſome offices, for their ſecond-ſelf, for thoſe they love.
The above ſpeech has ſomething of the ſame turn and ſpirit in it, with that of Proſpero, in the ſecond Scene of the Firſt Act, already obſerved upon.
SCENE IV.
The horrors and upbraidings of a wounded con⯑ſcience, are finely painted in the latter part of this ſcene:
ACT IV.
SCENE I.
A chaſte conduct between betrothed lovers, is ſtrongly urged, and ſanctified, by ſevere maledic⯑tions, and very natural predictions, in the follow⯑ing paſſages:
Ferdinand's reply.
A little after, old Proſpero, being better acquainted with the fallibilities of human nature than the young lovers were, repeats the ſame caution to Ferdinand, again:
To which Ferdinand anſwers, as before,
SCENE IV.
There is a beautiful, but humiliating reflection on the inconſiderableneſs of life and grandeur, made by Proſpero, in this ſcene, which is worthy of being added to the golden verſes of Pythagoras, and ought to be placed in gilt characters, as an inſcription, on all the palaces, monuments, or triumphal arches of the earth.
ACT V.
SCENE I.
The feelings and ſentiments of humanity, with the nobleneſs of remiſſion upon repentance, are here finely and moſt affectingly touched.
This laſt paſſage cloſes the moral ſcene of the piece moſt beautifully; in riſing, by degrees, to the ſummit of all Ethic and Chriſtian virtue, humanity and forgiveneſs. I ſhall, therefore, alſo conclude my remarks upon this performance, with an alluſion to a paſſage in Horace, where he draws a contraſt be⯑tween Maevius and Homer, which is perfectly appli⯑cable to our author, when compared with almoſt any other Dramatic writer who has ever attempted the marvellous: